[The following article appeared in the June 27-July 3 issue of Rouge, weekly newspaper of the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), French section of the Fourth International. The translation is by Intercontinental Press/Inprecor.]
VIENNA, June 23—Vladimir Borisov is a small man, his head closely shaven, wearing over-sized jeans rolled up several times to his ankles. He warmly welcomed the several people who had come to a Vienna apartment to ask him some ques tions.
First, he clarified the conditions of his detention and expulsion. "After my arrest several weeks ago," Borisov explained, "I was placed in solitary confinement. It was impossible to meet or speak with any other prisoners. Of course, this time it only lasted a short time. This was nothing compared to my stays in psychiatric hospitals, first from 1965 to 1968, and the second time from 1969 to 1974."
Borisov explained that a barber had come to his cell early Sunday morning, June 22. "He tried to fix my hair so I would look presentable," Borisov said. "Immediately I thought they wanted to put me on display somewhere. But, I certainly didn't think it would be in Vienna....
'Then several KGB members put me in a car, and, without the slightest explanation,
The massive student demonstrations and workers' strikes against the apartheid regime in South Africa, Zimbabwe's attainment of a Black majority government after years of arduous struggle, the growing fight for inde pendence in the South African colony of
Namibia, all underline the political explosiveness of this key area of the world.
To keep our readers informed of these momentous developments-and to analyze what they mean for the world revolution as a whole-Intercontinental
Press/Inprecor has paid particular attention to our coverage of southern
Africa.
In addition to news articles on the most important political events, IP/I
has sought to make available documents, speeches, and interviews that throw light on the political thinking of the individuals and organizations lead-
VLADIMIR BORISOV
brought me to the airport. It didn't take me long to realize they were going to expel me. That is why I refused to get off the airplane in Vienna. I consider being expelled the worst thing for a human rights fighter. You are cut off from those with whom and for whom you are fighting."
In response to a question about why he had been "freed," Borisov vehemently answered, "I was not freed, I was expelled. It is important to stress the difference."
Borisov's expulsion is, of course, a move aimed against SMOT [Free Inter-Trade Association of Workers-an unofficial trade union he helped to found]. By arresting or expelling its leaders, the Soviet officials think they can decapitate SMOT.
ing the southern African freedom struggle.
In the past four years alone, our coverage of South Africa has included interviews with such leaders as Thozamile Botha, Drake Koka, Tsietsi Mashinini, and Khotso Seatlholo; articles by Steve Biko, the leader of the Black
Consciousness movement who was murdered in police custody in 1977; and a recent statement by Nelson Mandela, who is serving a life sentence on
Robben Island.
In preparing our reports, we follow numerous publications that deal with the region: Africa, Sechaba, Johannesburg Star, Facts and Reports, Demain l'Afrique, Southern Africa, New Africa,
Focus, Afrique-Asie, and others.
When possible, we also try to provide our readers with first-hand reports. In late 1978, IP/1 staff writer Ernest
Harsch visited South Africa, Botswana,
Covering the Upsurge in Southern Africa-An Expensive Task Covering the Upsurge in Southern Africa-An Expensive Task
Borisov explains that his expulsion is part of the pre-Olympic wave of repression that has already victimized many others.
Does he think that the repression he has experienced-especially him, a founder of a group concerned above all with defending workers' rights-is tied to the recent workers' strikes in Gorky and Togliatti?
[See IP/1, June 30, 1980, page 685]
Borisov had not heard about these strikes. But he explained, "In the provinces there are a number of relatively big strikes, but in general, the rest of the country is not informed about them. Up to now, these strikes always took place around the lack of supplies in stores. That was the case in Minsk several months ago-and after a total one-day work stoppage, the stores were full, as if by magic.'
Borisov then talked about how his group functions and about the difficulties they are encountering in face of the repression plaguing its members. "There are about 200 members of SMOT," he said, "organized into eight or ten groups. The members are not publicly known. Only one representative in each group is public. Each group has a large amount of autonomy. Only questions of a general character that cannot be resolved by any one particular group are taken up by everyone.
"The aid that we can provide workers is not material, because we don't have the means to do this. The aid we provide is
Zambia, and Kenya, obtaining interviews with Black activists and sending in articles from South Africa on labor strikes, political repression, conditions in Soweto, and the struggle of shanty. town dwellers near Cape Town.
All of this, of course, takes money. Harsch's trip alone cost several thou sand dollars, and the subscription and postage expenses for the publications we receive amount to several hundred dollars a year.
In these days of rising inflation, it is becoming increasingly difficult to provide you with the kind of coverage of southern Africa that we know you expect. To ensure that we are able to meet this challenge, we are asking for your help.
Please send your contributions to: Intercontinental Press/Inprecor, 410 West Street, New York, New York 10014.
judicial, providing information on workers' rights, and publishing and distributing material. We are certainly in a paradoxical situation, because the repression that is hitting us means we are confined to simply trying to defend our members."
Then Borisov reaffirmed the perspectives that make movements such as his unique and powerful: "Our perspectives are closely tied to those of the Soviet workers movement, and we think that in the coming period, given the economic difficulties, the workers will be the first to react one way or another. Our line is resolute: we are fighting so the workers can organize themselves independently. If the Soviet workers are organized, the government will not be able to hit us like it is doing now."
It is this idea that Borisov-whose wife is still in Moscow-wants to continue defending during his forced exile, even though, having just landed in Vienna, he does not yet have any precise plans.
And it is this same idea that French workers should also take up, defending the right of their Soviet comrades to freely organize themselves, and defending those who are the victims of repression because they have begun to carry this out.
Why not discuss this with Borisov himself, by inviting him to workplaces and union meetings?