RESOLUTION ON ALGERIA
(1) With the election of the National Constituent Assembly and the designation of Ben Bella as premier, following some three months of crisis, the first stage of domestic political struggle in independent Algeria came to a close.
The victory was gained by the tendency represented by the Political Bureau under the leadership of Ben Bella with the support of the majority of the ALN led by Boumedienne. Boumedienne's support was decisive in bringing Ben Bella to the fore. The alliance between the Political Bureau and the ALN majority-despite differences that became evident on various occasionstipped the scales for the large majority of the masses in both cities and countryside and caused them to polarize around the present leadership. The "Fanonist" and even "Castroite" orientation of Boumedienne,, plus various declarations by Ben Bella (despite contradictions, weaknesses and the orientation of some of his allies), along with significant decisions already made by the new Algerian government, show that the relationship of forces is shifting in favor of tendencies which express, even if in a limited way, the insistence of the masses on basic social changes in opposition to neocolonialism.
The forces that lost out during the various stages of the crisis were quite heterogeneous. Some tendencies could be characterized as conservative in view of their response to the influence of regionalism, of confused and dangerous concepts or even direct and indirect pressure from pro-bourgeois and neocolonialist forces. Other tendencies, like those of Wilaya 4, while unable to express a clear orientation, could not be characterized rightist, pro-bourgeois or proneocolonialist.
The situation in independent Algeria was such that it was quite difficult for genuine pro-bourgeois and neocolonialist forces to emerge. On the subjective side, it was difficult for cadres and leaders of the FLN to assume this role in view of their unanimous acceptance of the Tripoli program and the success of a struggle in which revolutionary masses played a decisive role. The danger, in a framework inherited from the colonial period, lay in the confusion, lack of clear orientation on specific issues, in hesitation over concrete measures that had to be taken, in lack of understanding of the real social content and potential objectives of the current conflicts and struggles.
Admittedly, some of the cadres, including a few on the leadership level, and vanguard groups inside the FLN might have expressed a more democratic and consistently revolutionary line than that of Ben Bella and his collaborators. It is also true that on a wider scale leftist tendencies appeared in various sectors (trade unions, El Moudhjaid and even among supporters of the Wilayas opposed to the Political Bureau). But the cadres and groups that could have expressed a clear political line, first, acted on a narrow base in view of their lack of concrete mass support; secondly, proved to be too incohesive to play the role of catalyzer during the crisis.
Consequently, despite weaknesses vacillations, despite bureaucratic and even bonapartist tendencies, the leadership around the Political Bureau, represented chiefly by Ben Bella and supported by the ALN majority, succeeded in prevailing as the tendency which in the struggle for power expressed more closely than the others at the moment the domestic and international needs of the revolution. Un this plane, we repeat, among the specific alternatives, victory went to the more progressive assemblage of forces.
(2) After the election of the National Constituent Assembly a new stage opened, not less crucial than the previous one. All problems are now posed in acute form. Even in the immediate future important developments of various kinds are possible. It is in the coming period that the decisive battles will be fought against all attempts at neocolonialism.
Some embryonic forms of such organs, a new structure, to be decided on by a
As recent events bear witness, mass presfar from diminishing, has increased, especially in the countryside. Impelling immediate needs, deep revolutionary feelings that matured among the masses during the long heroic struggle, refusal among both the peasants and the poor of the cities to abandon hope for the concrete social fruits of the victory-all these factors point to new progressive advances, so that the possibility of the Revolution stagnating or retreating is remote at present. positive indications in recent weeks have been the decision of the Algerian government concerning management of properties abandoned by proprietors, which signifies a blow against the national bourgeoisie, particularly in the countryside, as well as against the French colonialists, and the courageous stand in defence of Cuba.
The incohesiveness of various leftist groups and tendencies added considerably to the confusion among large sectors of sure and leader have militants, but it would now that many militants, cadres and leaders have drawn the most fundamental lesson of the colonial revolution; namely, that to be
47 with real objective contents, already exist, whatever their genesis or however debatable their proceedings. It is necessary to begin from just these embryonic forms in order to develop them into genuine organs of the new power and to extend the understanding of this basic necessity from small minorities to larger and larger sectors of the masses, whose active participation in these state organs is an essential condition for the continual progressive development of the revolution.
At bottom the problem remains of constructing an adequate political instrument. It is not simply a question of the best formula for government, or of which team, but of rebuilding the FLN as a revolutionary party with mass influence. In brief it is the problem of political leadership of the revolution in the widest sense which urgently demands solution.
Serious dangers face the revolution. In case construction of an adequate political leadership is long delayed so that passage of essential measures is postponed in the face of tremendous economic and financial really victorious the revolution must be difficulties, "permanent"; it must continue, firmly rejecting from the very beginning every attempt to introduce neocolonialism. These elements will play a more and more important role.
In addition it must be underlined that in the present atmosphere of the Revolution, as reflected partially in the first debates in thed Nay to i postia leadersemb and its National proposed measures by bureaucratic, paternalistic methods through the monolithism of a single party and state institutions, will be resisted. Democratic methods of leadership will be more and more strongly demanded at all levels.
As we have said before, a requisite for positive development is a genuinely revolutionary, democratic, popular structure for the new state. Both in the cities and in the countryside the masses must be able to actually exert their own power, freely express their own will, and carry out the measures which are enacted in their own interest.
dangerous neocolonialist tendencies could arise and under pretext of "putting an end to the chaos and confusion" try to impose plausible measures based possibly, on promises or even token "aid" from imperialist sources. Through a circuitous path like this, neocolonialism could hope to chalk up some successes and to slow down, even if only temporarily, the development of the revolution toward its basic social outcome.
(3). The Fourth International, which has supported the heroic struggle of the FLN from the very beginning and which continues to call for unconditional support to the Algerian Revolution, offers critical support to the present government of independent Algeria. While expressing criticisms based on its own positions, the Fourth International supports and will support all the revolutionary and progressive decisions which have been and will be adopted by the Algerian government.
The Algerian revolutionary Marxists are convinced of the urgency of giving the FLN
national congress after a fully democratic discussion at all levels. The FLN should adopt a basic political program and firmly organize itself along the lines of democratic centralism.
The revolutionary Marxists are not in favor of mere unity without distinctions.
revolutionary unity among all revolutionary tendencies and forces and suggest that the cement for that unity be the implementation of the Tripoli program. On this clear political basis it will be possible to ascertain which forces are really fighting for a revolutionary solution and which forces, on the contrary, are ready to play a conservative pro-bourgeois role. In this way it will be possible to overcome the present division among various leftist tendencies, to bring in other forces that are still hesitant or fearful, and build a real revolutionary tendency as the essential driving force of the Algerian permanent revolution.
At the same time, the revolutionary Marxists will fight for the construction of democratic popular committees, elected from below, as the real organs of power. As we have indicated, it is necessary to start with the embryonic forms which already exist and from concrete experiences understandable to the masses.
In a more general way, the revolutionary Marxists will propose a program with a socialist content, insisting on the absolutely urgent necessity for a radical agrarian reform, of nationalizing the basic industrial sectors, the banks and transportation sysof introducing economic planning, enterprises.
As for immediate measures, the following are suggested:
(a) Cancellation of the debts of peasants and suspension of the payment of rent for land.
(b) Workers and peasants administration of all factories and farms abandoned by their owners.
(c) Establishment of workers control in all banks and industries.
(d) Establishment of people's control over all food stocks, housing, rents, etc.
Concrete steps such as these, taken within the framework of the general orientation we have indicated, will enable the Revolution to move forward to new important steps and overcome all the obstacles by which imperialism hopes to prevent a repetition of the brilliant Cuban experience on the shores of the Mediterranean.
November 4, 1962.