POLITICAL COUNTERCURRENTS IN THE SOVIET UNION
By Sandro: Mantovani
The shifts in the composition of the leading group of the Soviet bureaucracy that were registered at the session of the central committee of the Communist party of the Soviet Union held last December have provoked all kinds.of speculation among Western Krenlinologists as to the short-term tendencies in Soviet society, particularly as they may concern the twenty-third congress of the CPSU scheduled for March. As was to be:expected,. the lack of verifiable facts and solid information was reflected in conclusions that were often not only divergent but even clearly contradictory (e.g., Shelepin gained a step towards power -- Shelepin suffered a setback on the road to power, etc.). Such readings confirm the correctness. of the equation: Kremlinology = astrology.
It: therefore appears: unprofitable: to: join the assiduous stu-dents of the’ infinite convolutions of the galaxy’ presented by: the Kremlin, drawing conclusions based largely on:‘conjunctural factors. It is preferable to analyze facts. that seem less spectacular but which permit us to better understand the tendencies. at work in Soviet society at a less superficial level.
The Western press has headlined the arrest last September of two Soviet: writers on charges of having sent writings of their own for publication abroad under. the pen names of Abram Tertz and Nikolai Arzhak. One of the defendants, the critic: Andrei D. Sinyavsky (accused of. ‘being Abram Tertz); is rather well. known in the. Soviet cultural: world as a frequent: contributor to the "liberal" | magazine Novy Mir, as a lecturer (Dozent) on the Faculty of Literature at Moscow University, author of a-book on Picasso and a foreword to the collection of poems by Pasternak published some months ago, the first such collection for many years in. | the USSR.
Sinyavsky' s arrest created a sensation in the Soviet literary world, arousing a good deal of worry and fear among the young -and not so young -- opponents of the bureaucratic regime, who constitute a broad group today. Among the continual arrests for political reasons that have occurred since 1956, this is the first time that a figure of such prominence has been victimized. 7
In university circles particularly, Sinyavsky' s arrest x aroused resentment due to his position and also to the fact that: = these circles are the most sensitive in the Soviet Union to pureaucratic procedures.
“In November illegal leaflets ‘began to be distributed at the University of Moscow calling for demonstrations to win a public... trial and freedom for Sinyavsky.
On December 5 -- the day on which the Soviet Union usually celebrates the Stalin Constitution, "the most democratic in the world," -- a demonstration took place in the late afternoon at
Pushkin Square in the very center of Moscow. Sources other than ours even refer to two demonstrations -- one at ‘Pushkin Square , the other at Mayakovsky Square. = tres oo Pushkin Square happened to be more crowded. than. usual.at that time of day. Many university students were there as’ well as, most certainly, many plainclothesmen. A banner was suddenly unfurled from nowhere demanding a public trial for. Sinyavsky and a.small group formed around it. .
“The police intervened rapidly and efficiently. They seized ‘the banner and herded those who had raised it and assembled..around it into militia "vans" that happened to be conveniently parked nearby. The plainclothesmen nervously took photographs of the people milling around in the square.
It appears that most of the youngsters were freed: a few days later. However, in accordance with present practices in the USSR, this means in the best of cases that they will. be expelled from the university or dismissed from their jobs and that: they will lose. the very precious right of residence in Moscow. In the worst case they will be arrested again at a later date under some ‘pretext or other.
While the December 5 demonstration was certainly a modest and limited one, it is of significance for two basic reasons. (1) In the post-Stalin ‘period, it is the first ublic fe) tion in the Soviet Uniion with ° - i iti -demands .- (2) It proves that there are groups of youth ready to. engage in open defiance of the regime,’ knowing full well that it. wilt mean: certain arrest and grave material ‘veprisals. » LT pep,
~The demonstration thus: took undeniable courage: ‘and aetermination which, of course, stands in contrast to the limited scope and timidity of the demand that was advanced (aside from the intellectuals, Sinyavsky's fate can hardly stir broad layers of the populace).
Whether this was an exceptional occurrence or a sign of a more general intensification of political opposition in university circles: cannot yet be determined. Reports have been published in Italy of many arrests at Leningrad University because of the publication and distribution of an illegal political magazine but these reports have not been confirmed. : Jia
In contrast. to: these progressive developments ‘touched off by Sinyavsky's arrest, something of opposite character ‘occurred at about the same time. A number of Komsomol functionaries and officials of various bodies and institutions handling: so-called "ideological and educational work" received through the mail a mimeographed document bearing a title of archaic usage, Ustav Nravov (Law of Customs). It seems that this. article had been duplicated on«a machine belonging tothe Moscow Committee ‘of the Komsomol.and was signed by Vdlery Skurlatov, a functionary of the committee in charge of The Young , Marxist put out ‘by the People's University. The short text of the mimeographed article corresponded perfectly to its archaic, reaction— ery title and even to something worse.
. Following a:brief preamble, in which it was noted that the education of the young generation is determined by the answers given to questions of a fundamental nature such as "What is the meaning of: life?" the article lists a series of criteria in the light of which these questtrons should be answered. The youth should be educated so as not to:follow the voice of. reason:"which is:the source of all © treason," but the ‘voice of the heart which is the source of heroism. In connection with this, the author uses a Russian expression that... comes quite close to the slogan of the Italian fascists: "Better to live a single day like a lion than a hundred years like a sheep. "
The ideals which should be. given. to: youth, continues the docunent, should not be those of material comfort but those ‘of heroic ‘deeds. Such an ideal canbe created only through. an education that puts the main stress on national values and thet restores the traditions of old Russia in all fields. In this context, Ustav Nravov ascribes particular importance to the problems of sex. It is necessary, it declares, to promulgate the moral and physiological value of virginity. And, to heighten this. value, it is necessary to reintroduce. the old:customs like public. display of the bed sheets after: the nuptial night, as well as tarring the homes of women guilty of engaging in extremerital relations. Sharp punitive measures, going as far as sterilization, should likewise be taken against women who have sexual relations with foreigners.
“In order to prevent emoral and. ideologically harmful tenden-~ © cies. ‘from, spreading, continues Ustav Nravov, it is necessary to --'— develop esprit de corps among the youth, setting up honor awards. for different categories (students, young workers; soldiers, etc.). It is necessary to put the education. of children on a military basis from the very beginning, with games and physical exercise aimed at this goal. Corporal. punishment, which tempers.the- body and soul, should be recognized as of great educational importance. The best. citizen is the soldier; ‘the worst , the intellectual, a ‘Slave of. reason. :
It is not necessary to dwell at length: on the ideological tendency manifest:in-the article; in fact, the word "fascist" is the immediate characterization that comes. ‘to mind. ‘It. is: accurate. |
A few ‘of: those who received the article ‘=< ‘put ‘only a few! -after overcoming their stupefaction, sent the article on to leading political and cultural figures. The scandal then broke out. But the scandal --.very significantly! -- hit primarily those who had referred the article to political leaders. They were threatened with the severest punishment if they sent ‘copies outside the USSR. The. actual suthors of -the seandalous article were less in the line of fire. : a
7 Tt sséems ‘that it was not the personal product of. Valery Skurlatov. A number of functionaries of the Moscow Committee of the Komsomol as. well as ‘some writers close to the editorial board of. the Komsomol magazine The Young Guard also participated in drawing : -1t up. Skurlatov was expelled from the party but was not hit by. administrative measures such as usually accompany expulsion. It:
appears that. since then he has. even, been given enother Jo. at: higher pay. | a |
Trotsky noted in 1938, on the basis of declarations made by
Soviet bureaucrats who fled to the West, that under cover of the — official ideology in the Soviet Union were hidden all kinds of political-ideological products of decomposition extending as far as fascist trends. Today we again see tendencies in the bureaucracy that = break with the official ideology towards the right or even the ultraright in Soviet society. . oe This is manifestly a result of the ideological crisis following "de-Stalinization." The Stalin myth, strengthened by repressive. measures, served the role of disciplinary cement for the masses and: a cohesive factor in the bureaucracy.
Khrushchev' s attempt to substitute for it the nyth of material comforts , borrowing partially from Western sources, seems to have failed in recent years, not only due to economic difficulties but also, probably, to reasons related to the internal structure of Soviet society itself. It is:-therefore not strange that Komsomol and other bureaucrats feel, as a result of their specific functions, the need for an ideological means to arrest the more and more obvious process of disintegration of the bureaucratic system. The expression of this need, incorporated, in the Ustav Nravov is, of course, an. extreme one which, in this’ forn, is not typical of broader currents in the bureaucracy.-
It is nevertheless: a symptomatic expression of the malaise of certain groups of bureaucrats "linked to the masses" =- insofar as this is possible in an organization of: a Jesuitical police type | like the Komsomol of today -- a malaise resulting not so much from the policy of "de-Stalinization" as the inevitable consequences of such a policy: the collapse’ of the: ideological requisites for the rule of the bureaucracy. It is rather interesting to note that in his speech at the December. 1965" plenum of the central committee, Pavlov, the secretary of the Komsomol, centered his conclusions around problems similar to those selected by the authors of Ustav Nravov. But it should be emphasized that Pavlov saw the solution in increased official police control, something that has. to. be covered up ideologically by. partial rehabilitation of Stalin. |
The line’ of this tendency has serious chances. of being adopted as the official party line at the twenty-third congress of the: CPSU in March. The victory of this line is not certain but without doubt it is one of the various lines around which the present internal struggle in the CPSU is developing. And it is necessary to stress that such an orientation would not contradict.the cautiously refornistic line in the economic field presented by Kosygin at the December 1965 plenum. The technocrats can very well "coexist" with the advocates of a. harsher police regime, particularly since this current will not and-cannot return to the exercise of mass terror such as characterized Stalin's time, proposing: instead. something "milder" and more "reasonable." It is quite possible, too, that among the technocrats there are groupings that fear violent mass reactions
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against the consequences of the policy.of economic rationalization . proposed by Liberman and now officially adopted by the Soviet leadership (e.g., temporary appearance of unemployment). These groupings vould be. inclined to accompany: this -phase of "rationalization" with a stiffening of the. police. Tegime es :
Given the episodical: character. of the. mass. struggles” of. today and their lack of: coordination on a. national, scale, the more.advanced _layers.of the masses do not yet have the. possibility of: determining the outcome of the conflicts existing within | the bureaucracy. - It. is: certain that a harshening of the regime's repressive aspects would result in- slowing. down. the construction of the antibureaucratic vanguard now.in process of formation... But-it.i8 also true that in the. long run such.a "solution," unable to meet the difficult and con-. plex problems facing Soviet society --. particularly. the economic ones! -- is doomed to failure. In the final analysis it would only — favor. the radicalization of the. MASSES. _ = re
_hecording to Richard. ‘Eder, Washington. correspondent of the .- New. York. Times , Soviet officials "are making. quiet disclaimers: of the aggressive calls for revolution in Latin: America, Africa and . Asia issued at last month's tricontinental