United Front of the Workers Movement
Against the Capitalist Industrial Rationalization Measures
First of all, a brief outline of the questions preoccupying most: ‘trade. unionists is essential.
‘The Soyho national conference adopted three major proposals brought in by its National Executive -- on the resignation of the former chairman and nomination of a new one; on the struggle against the war in Vietnam; and on the tactic of a united front against the war in Vietnam and against. the rationalization measures being introduced into industry. The resolution on the united front argued for the adherence of all the unions and all the workers parties regardless of their differences.
Soyho's .General Secretary Akira Iwai expressed it this way in the July issue of the federation's official journal, Monthly “~ Soyho: "I believe the Communist party's program for the trade-union movement to be incorrect; however, I think that if the Communist party is excluded from our 'United Front' then we-.will have com- ‘mitted tne error of allowing a sectarian attitude that | will prevail in all the workers' parties and in the trade unions.
"We should take the position," he stated, "of giving support _to all progressive parties, a position that will allow.unionists ‘to organize special groups to support respectively, either the Socialist party, the Democratic Socialist party or the Communist party, and to carry. out campaigns during general elections, and to pursue various other political matters. ced
In contrast to this, the head of the Postal Workers union, Takaragi, recognized as the power behind the new chairman of Soyho, is advancing a different interpretation of the united front concept. At its national conference, held in Kyoto from July 27 to August 1, this union adopted a resolution refusing in effect to cooperate in any struggles that included the Communist party. Instead, they put forward a more limited idea of a "united front," one that. | would involve joint action with only the conservative General Union.
In applying their resolution in practice, however, the Postal Workers face a dilemma over relations with that special category in Japan known as the "second trade unions" which constitute part of the General Union. Their nature can best be understood in the | context of the organizational setup of the Japanese Aabor -movement.
Quite unlike England or the United States, where a ‘union . may view an entire industry as coming under its jurisdiction, in Japan workers in a particular company may organize their trade union as an autonomous unit. For example, the workers of the Mitsubishi Shipbuilding Company and the workers of the Hitachi Shipbuilding Company have their own individual unions. This is compulsory under Japanese labor laws -- the only exceptions being the coal miners
and the seamen. Thus the unions in an industry are but loosely connected through the national federations.
Normally.. therefore, only one trade union exists ina given company.
The "second trade unions" are different. They are organized by the company alongside the "legitimate" union as an attempt to
weaken,.it.. Usually.this occurs when the legitimate union becomes involved. in a sharp struggle with the employer.
All these "second trade unions," or "company unions" to use the American expression, are now affiliating to the General Union. This poses a special problem for the Postal Workers, since where they are organized, "company. unions" exist alongside.
If the Postal Workers put into practice their resolution on forming a united front only with the General Union, then each branch of the union will be forced to make clear just what they mean when they talk about forming a "united front" with their rivals, the branches of the "second trade unions." Certainly, if they can pull it off, such a united front is necessary and useful for them when they are in struggle. But if the Postal Workers leaders go so far as to demand the unification of Soyho with the General Union, while excluding everyone else, then the Postal Workers branches will have the problem of implementing it with those who acted as strikebreakers during the difficult period when the union was fighting to establish itself. And the same will hold true in other industries.
At the national conference of the Postal Workers union, militant opposition was in evidence, so sharp in fact that the leadership had to bend, allowing the following amendments to be included in the main resolution: (1) That the political party most deserving of support is the Socialist party. (2) That the union should campaign against the policy encouraged by the government and management of increasing productivity through speedup. (3) That it is the responsibility of all trade unions not only to struggle for. better wages and improved working conditions but also to orient toward achieving political objectives. (4) That the union should always uphold a working-class perspective.
It is almost a foregone conclusion that the General Union will find none of these amendments acceptable in view of its own four proposals: (1) That the party deserving support is not the Socialist party but the Democratic..Socialist party. (2) That the drive to increase productivity should not be opposed but actively supported instead by all unionists, since wage increases can be gained by increasing productivity. (3) That inasmuch as the central aim of a union is not political but merely the improvement of working conditions and wages, the unions should avoid leading struggles aimed at political objectives. (4) In carrying out actions, the workers should be guided by "the national interest" rather than their own class interests.
What kind of “united front" the Horii-Iwai combination hope to put across, if they ever succeed, remains to be seen; and it is difficult to visualize how the Postal Workers union can implement its resolution.
2.
Wage Increases or a Fight against Rationalization?
Around which struggle will the trade unionists organize a united front? Ohta and Iwai have stressed the prime importance to the trade unions of concentrating on the struggle for wage demands in which, they say, all unionists have an interest. The program adopted by Soyho at its national conference is in line with this.
But some of the militant Sohyo leaders like Haihara, secretary general of the National Coal Mine Workers union, are demanding that it be made clear that the task is to struggle against the industrial rationalization process that has been advancing rapidly in Japan in conjunction with the fast growth of the economy. Haihara's view that without sharp opposition to the rationalization measures workers cannot achieve any Significant improvement in conditions, is rooted in his experience as a leader of the coal miners.
Up to 1962, the coal miners, because of their stronger and more militant union, were able to gain comparatively higher wages than the other sectors. Therefore the crippling and destruction of the miners' union was moved into top priority by the Japanese capitalists. They viewed it as a concomitant to intensifying the rationalization process in industry required to achieve the technical level demanded to. successfully meet competition from the other advanced imperialist countries.
Through direct police intervention, the mine operators were able to get away with ousting literally thousands of militants from their jobs, nearly destroying the Coal Mine Workers union. The net result of the campaign is vividly shown by the following reo e8 5 The total number of miners has decreased since 1960. (See Table 1. Labor productivity and average hours worked have increased. (See Table 2 and Table 3.) The annual wage increase for the miners is lagging considerably behind the other industrial workers. (See Table 4.) Here we can see how the working conditions and standard of living of the miners have been affected in actuality, even though the union was able.to survive the attacks and to remain to this day one of the strongest and most militant unions in Japan.
The rapid expansion of the Japanese economy was made possible by an increase in size of the work force together with an increase in per capita productivity. Because of this, earnings have increased while the average hours worked has actually decreased. This is but one expression of the progress of industrialization and rationalization through mechanization and automation.
TABLE 1 Adult Population by Employment Status and _
Employment of Persons by Industry
(Monthly averages, 1,000 persons)
1. Population 15 years old and over. 2. Labor force, total (1) Totally unemployed (2) Employed ( i) Agriculture and Forestry (ii) Non-Agricultural Industry (a) Mining (b) Construction (c) Manufacturing (ad) Wholesale,
Retail Trade,
Finance,
Insurance and
Real Estate (e) Transport,
Communications and
other Public Util-
ities , (f£) Services (g) Governmental
Services
Seurce: Statistical Survey of Economy of Japan, 1965. Foreign Affairs, Tokyo. p. 9.
1958
62,950
43,870
630
43,240
14,710
28 , 540
500
2,060
9,000
8,000
2,210
5,040
1,220
1960
65,200
45,110
500
uh. 660
13,910
30,670
500
2, 360
9,510
8,490
2,450
2920
1,280
1962 1964
67,550 71,220
46,140 47,100
400 370
45,740 46,730
13,110 11,970
32,600 34,710
480 360
2,700 2,890
10,720 11,370
8,470 9,270
2,660 2,940
5,630 5,900
1,360 1,460
Ministry of
TABLE 2
. Index Number of Labor Productivit
£1955 = 100)
1960 Mining . 117. Manufacturing 7 143. Textiles : . - 138. Paper and Pulp, | 116. Chemicals : 141. Ceramics : | | «113. Lron and Steel | a 7 141. Nonferrous Metals - - “122, Machinery-general 7 ; 151.
(a) Electrical | a a 250,
(b) Precision Instrument Oo 129.
NOON N DMF OTN O Ww Oo
1964
2°34.
. 187.
Lb
OV
Source: Statistical Survey of Economy-of Japan, 1965. Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, Tokyo. p. ll.
+18-
TABLE 3
Hours Worked of Regular Workers by Industry
(Establishments with 40 workers or more --
hours per worker a month)
1956 General | 199.3 Mining 193.8 Construction | 200.8 Manufacturing 204.4 Wholesale and Retail Trade 194.4 Finance and Insurance 178.2 “Real Estate 192.2 Transport and Communications 194.8
7 Electricity, Gas and Water 184.
source:
1960
202.7
193.6
211.3
207.0 |
197.1
179.4
191.6
198.7
182.5
1964
195.
196.
204.
195.
“194.
173.
187.
199.
178.
of Japan, 1965. Ministry of
MO OO NY WwW FN NY ww N
TABLE 4
Cash Earning Index of Number of Workers
General Mining Construction Manufacturing Electricity, Gasand Water Transportation Wholesale and Retail Trade Finance and Insurance
Nominal
Real
Nominal
Real
Nominal
Real
Nominal
Real
Nominal —
Real
Nominal
Real
Nominal
Real
Nominal
Real
by Industry
(1960 = 100)
90.
94.
88.
92.
89.
93.
91.
95.
Wh Fw WP FP
ON] WH
OF
152.
lel.
152.
lel.
149.
118.
145.
115.
Source: Statistical Survey of Economy of Japan, 1965. Ministry of foreign Affairs, Tokyo. p. 61.
FU MO @M FO
Eun
Fu
But what has happened to the miners is extraordinary. Their total number is decreasing; at the same time the average number of hours worked per capita has been going up since 1960; and per capita productivity has increased tremendously. In other industries, hours have been reduced. Miners' earnings have remained stagnant.
Despite the widespread pressure from rank-and-file militants and the official leadership of the Coal Mine Workers union in favor of struggling against the rationalization measures, the bulk of the Soyho leaders support Ohta's and Iwai's line of concentrating on wage increases. By arguing for the importance of this line, and, in the process, opposing the militants who want a program of genuine struggle, Ohta and Iwai have identified with the right-wing tendency in the movement and moved closer toward it.
3.
The Effect of Industrial Rationalization
On the Trade-Union Movement
The concern in the trade-union movement over these problems, the reason why many of them are so timid about struggling against the industrial rationalization measures -- whereas in the past they might have been militant -~ is rooted in the very real way in which the reorganization and rationalization of industry, now proceeding at such a fast pace in Japan, have affected the organizational setup of the unions themselves. Recent mergers, regroupments and the further strengthening of monopoly control among some of: the big companies, have pushed the specific trade unions involved toward the right.
Most typical was the recent merger engaged in by the giant Mitsubishi Heavy Industry Company.
This company was established and developed as a heavy armaments enterprise before the Second World War. The antimonopoly law, enacted and put into force immediately after the war, was ostensibly designed to dissolve the Zaibatsu system (a peculiar monopolistic system based on family ties and connections) by forcing the huge complex to divide itself into three separate units -- the New Titsubishi, the Naka-Nahon Heavy Industry, and the Mitsubishi Shipbuilding Company. Each.devoted itself to a main product -- automobiles, heavy machinery and shipbuilding respectively -- and increased its size and efficiency.
Revision of the antimonopoly legislation on September 1, 1953, made it possible for the three to eventually carry out reunification in 1965 in order to rationalize their management. Most important, however, was the impact the new measures had on the trade unions of the Mitsubishi workers. Before the merger, an autonomous union existed in each company. Two of these unions were aligned with the right wing in the national federation; but the shipbuilding workers
-ol-
were under a left-wing leadership .in one of the strongest unions in Japan. Its executive consisted of a number of militants -- Sécialists ‘and Communists, some of whom had split from the Communist party in‘ 1958-59 and evolved toward Trotskyism. After the merger, the workers of the former shipbuilding company who had constituted an autonomous union under left-wing leadership were transformed into a minority in the new setup. They now face a difficult situation.
_The same thing occurred in the merger of the Nissan and Prince companies (the new company is the largest or second largest manufacturer of automobiles) and in the Toyo Koatsu (biggest producer of chemicals); but in the latter case the workers split from Soyho during the process of rationalization. The National ‘Federation of Electrical Machinery Workers Unions stopped supporting Soyho and the former chairman of the Neutral Federation resigned. as a consequence. oS,
Why are right-wing Soyho leaders like Takaragi and centrists like Ohta and Iwai, so cautious and conservative? It is because of. the capitalist offensive mounted in conjunction with the rapid development of the companies.
4
Basis of the New Surge of Militancy in the Workers Movement
_ What has given rise to the present struggle of the Japanese workers ~—- what is its main cause and how is it developing?
The recent upsurge in militancy has a double origin. On the one hand workers in the small industrial concerns face serious conditions as a result of the rationalization. Although the Japanese capitalists are immensely proud of the economic. prosperity they are now enjoying, the number of. bankruptcies among small companies — is nevertheless on.the increase, giving some cause for concern. Wage increases in small factories have been minimal although the workers need more money due to inflation. In addition there is the conta- | gious effect of the buying habits of other workers, increasing | their desire ‘for more consumers goods. They are impelled to give battle and the militants in the small plants find it easier to provide leadership --- the local union buréaucracies are not as _ firmly established as in the bigger industrial units. oe
At the same time, it must be recognized that the influence | of the small-factories sector of the work force has been decreasing. A short sketch of Sohyo's history will make this clear. Founded in July 1950, Sohyo organized a membership of four million in a very short period under conditions when Communist leaders and activists, who had been at the head of the working class until then, were being expelled and fired from their jobs by the American occupation army. In the "red purge," Sanbetsu Kaigi (National Congress of Industrial Unions, in which the Communist party hada the strongest influence) was eventually destroyed and more than 10,000 militants lost their jobs.
~Lou
This brought about a drastic shift in the labor front. No major struggles occurred for several | years. Minora Takano, secretary general of Sohyo after the purge, based his predominance in the movement on his influence among the. skilled workers and foremen, a sector of the class that became more and more important as the reconstruction of Japanese industry proceeded.
The workers in the small plants still played a crucial role in the labor movement as a whole at the time. For example, Sohyo | regularly conducted strikes that actually involved the families of the striking unionists and other members of the community.
_.. In 1955. Iwai replaced Takano as secretary of Sohyo. The change in leadership was held to symbolize the end of the cooperative struggle of the community and the beginning of a new policy of conducting industry-wide strikes. During the Korean war, at the time of the purge, the movement stagnated; but by 1956 industry-wide strikes were taking place in the iron- and steel-making industry. Before 1955 the workers in the small plants constituted the most. dynamic sector; after that, the initiative. shifted to the workers ~ in the big plants.
The trade-union militants in the small plants came to be known as "the anti-mainstream" tendency. One Japanese writer summarized the situation very well when he stated:
"The left-wing segment is comprised of two groups, the antimainstream (Takano) faction within Sohyo, and those labor organizations in the medium, small and very small enterprises which are not affiliated with any of the major national labor groups. Although left-wing unionism is. supposedly obsolete, it does continue to exert considerable influence here in Japan. It is still influential primarily because it appeals to the workers in the smaller enterprises. Thus, while left-wing unionism is still a factor to be considered, it is not playing a leading part.in the present struggle between the main forces of labor and capital... Capital regards left-wing unionism as constituting just a relatively small sector of the labor movement and therefore of no great significance or threat.to capital's new policy aims. In a sense capital is correct in its judgment." (Makoto Omori. "A Turning Point in the. Japanese Labor Movement," The Journal of Social and Political Ideas in Japan. August 1965.
Because the number of workers in the big plants increased rapidly, it was not difficult for them to struggle to improve working conditions. The workers established their hegemony in the big factories as a whole. Ohta and Iwai could propose radical pro- — grams to improve conditions; and as a. result they were able to stay in their positions at the head of the labor movement for a decade.
Ohta's downfall is a manifestation of new conditions that could provide the basis for a new leadership in the movement. The new conditions do not signify restoration in the labor movement of the primacy of the workers in small establishments. We must
look elsewhere for it.
Japan's rapid economic growth has involved technological innovations and alterations in the structure of industry that have in turn produced decisive changes in the nature and structure of the labor force. For example all-round machinists and qualified technicians have continuously risen’in importance at the expense of skilled craftsmen; and there has been a similar shift from a wagé system based on seniority to one based on job classification. The new tiilitancy in the working class is rooted in the changed © nature and structure of the labor force. -
The construction of new factories, the onrush of technological development have engendered new labor problems -- on the one hand, an acute shortage of younger workers; on the other, acute difficulties for the older workers in finding job replacements. Skilled workers, who were trained under the older techniques, who could get higher wages because of a system based on seniority, now find themselves no longer in demand. The modernized, automated — plants, with their simplified mass-production methods, fit in with management's aim of finding a more adaptable and suitable work force among the youth. Young workers are in short supply and their wages as a consequence have risen. |
Facing a shortage of young workers, the capitalists are promoting the shifting of workers from the low-productivity sector, especially small enterprises and agriculture, and they are weighing extension of the wage system based on job classification. Today it is not too difficult for young workers to stage struggles for wage increases against managers competing with each other for labor power to meet the needs of expanded capital investment.
But the workers in the larger plants, who may have been satisfied some years ago with relatively higher wages, have now begun to find neither modern capitalism nor its modern automated factories to be particularly appealing. Through struggles, even ones. confined to economic demands, they can awaken to class consciousness. In addition, Japan, although an advanced imperialist country, cannot escape its geographical location in Asia close to the colonial revolution, especially the Vietnamese war, the influence of which is so direct that Sohyo has decided to begin strike action to protest the escalation.
At the same time, the capitalists, facing the increasing militancy of thé younger workers, can no longer rely on the loyalty of the older workers, who in the past would have pressed the youth not to go too far. Older skilled workers, who remained loyal to management, are now victims of the rationalization measures; and in the countryside -- the traditional backbone of conservatism -~ there have been many changes in recent years. .
The options open to Japanese capitalism are growing fewer. —
August 22, 1966
WHY AMBRICA'S GHETTOES KEEP EXPLODING
By Evelyn Sell
The ghetto explosions in the United States continue -- in . Atlanta, Georgia; in Dayton, Ohio; in Waukegan, Illinois; in Benton Harbor, Battle Creek and Jackson, Michigan. Despite the promises of the Great Society's War on Poverty, despite the bayonets and teargas bombs, despite the pleas by "responsible" Negro leaders -- black Americans continue to express their feelings with fire bombs, bricks and cries of "Burn, baby, burn!"
_ A recent report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics states | some cold, hard facts.which explain a great deal about the long hot summers Since the 1960 sit-in movement ushered in a new stage in. the Afro-American freedom struggle. Almost 3,000,000 new jobs have. been created in the U.S. during the past year; 250,000 workers started newly created jobs: during August alone. Yet -- unemployment among black workers went up during August. .
The ratio of Negroes unemployed rose from 7.9% of the nonwhite labor force in July to 8.2% in August. (Negroes make up 92% of the ° nonwhite labor force.) The proportion of whites unemployed ran 3.4%. That means that Negro unemployment is now almost 2.5 times that of white unemployment although Negroes represent about one-ninth-of the country's population. 7
White unemployment has been steadily decreasing over the past five years. Nonwhite unemployment, however, has recently begun to go up and up. Teen-age unemployment for both groups remains high but Negro teen-age unemployment is more than twice as high as unemployment among white youths.
Arthur Ross, commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, estimated that 250,000 more jobs were needed to. bring Negro unem- — ployment figures down to the level of white unemployment. Note: the 250,000 jobs would not erase Negro unemployment but merely equalize it with white joblessness...true equality! However, 250,000 new jobs were: created during August; yet Negro unemployment climbed.
It has been pointed out repeatedly that Negroes lack the skills; that is, the education, to compete successfully in today's job market. Because they are black, Afro-Americans receive an inferior education. Then because they have an inferior education, they cannot get jobs. Lack of job opportunities drives black families deeper into poverty and. despair and cripples the. next generation which is again faced with the same vicious cycle. .
Is it any wonder black Americans throw bricks at a society which surrounds them with the promises and visions of plenty and then deprives them.of any, chance of obtaining the good, things of life? Is it any wonder Afro-Americans cry, "Burn, baby, burn! If . we can't have it, we won't let you keep it either!"
NORTH KOREAN CP ATTACKS. "TROTSKYISM"
| By | Dick Roberts
«The North Korean Communist party has taken another step towards the Kremlin's side in the Sino-Soviet debate ; and, in tried and true Stalinist fashion, the North Korean party's position was indicated ‘by a polemic in its theoretical. newspaper Rodong Shinmoon attacking -frotskyism. ae Pravda summarized the editorial in the North Korean newspaper. The account. in Pravda was given worldwide distribution by the Soviet press agency Tass. New York Times correspondent Peter Grose, in curn, reported it from Moscow September 18.
"There is no mention of China in the version of the North Korean editorial printed in Pravda," Grose states. "But in denouncing Trotskyism it defined that vague ideological word as the principles now being put forth by Peking."
For the sake of its readers who do not have the proper conditioned reflex to the word "Trotskyism," Rodong Shinmoon added the following characterizations according to the Pravda summary:
"Trotskyism is an antirevolutionary. theory denying the possibility of the victory of Socialist revolution and construction of Socialisin in one country...The Trotskyites claimed that the improvement of material and cultural conditions of the people under Socialism would lead to corruption and degradation of the society and create the danger of the restoration of capitalism..
Further, Rodong Shinmoon asserts, "Drotskyites emphatically objected to combining violent and nonviolent methods in the revolutionary struggle. They insisted on only an 'offensive' and reckless rebellion. Trotskyites tried their utmost to unite their supporters in various countries by inciting them to engineer a split in the ‘ ranks of the international Communist. movement.
"In addition they committed all kinds of subversive acts: in an effort to prevent the revolutionary development and the activity of the Marxist-Leninist parties in different countries."
The Pyongyang version of "Trotskyism" is so distorted that even the New “York Times feels compelled to note it. "Students of Soviet politics," Grose writes, "might find this a rather strained characterization of the policies of Leon Trotsky, Stalin's great rival for leadership in the early years of Bolshevik power. ; "In Communist parlance," Grose explains, “t@rotskyism' is a ~general term of the highest abuse for an ideological adversary -it has been variously defined to suit the circumstances.
The best that can be said for the authors of the Rodong
Shinmoon editorial is that they are not the first to use the epithet of "Trotskyism" in the context of the Kremlin's long-lasting dispute with Peking. The epithet was handed down by Stalin and has been used with equal license by his bureaucratic heirs in both Moscow and Peking. In fact, the stubborn reappearance of the epithet testifies to the fact that more is involved than simply exchanging denuncia— tions. .
‘The first.extensive explanation on the part of the Soviet : leaders about why they insisted upon connecting Peking and Trotsky-. ism was contained in an article in the September 13, 1963, issue of Izvestia under the signature of "S. Ivanovitch." [See World Outlook, September 27, 1963, for the complete text. A reply by Pierre pranks. a member of the United Secretariat of the Fourth International, appeared in World Outlook October 4, 19643. For further examples see. also World Outlook, November 8, 1963; and April 17 and 24, 1964. ]
After denouncing Trotskyism as "a gathering of unmitigated opportunists, " "conspiratorial," "rotten," "bearers of archreactionary concepts, " etc., etc. 5 Ivanovitch came to what was ‘really bothering him:
"The Fourth International," Ivanovitch complained, "invariably characterizes our epoch as the epoch of imperialism, of wars and of proletarian revolutions, leaving out of account the fundamental changes in the relation of forces in the world arena that came about through the liquidation in a series of countries of Europe and Asia of the rule of the bourgeoisie and of the creation of a world socialist system.
"Recognizing the weakening of the forces of capitalism, it at the same time holds that the positions of the forces of socialism are precarious and:denies the inevitability of the victory of the latter. in peaceful competition. '
No Marxist, of course, would deny the inevitability of the victory of socialism in peaceful competition with capitalisn. Socialism is a superior economic system to capitalism and under peaceful conditions it would certainly triumph. In this sense, Ivanovitch only heaped another of many distortions on the views of Trotskyisn.
But how "peaceful" is the "competition between socialism and capitalism"? It is precisely because capitalism is far from a "peaceful" system -- as every single person is daily and horribly reminded by the slaughter waged by Johnson in Vietnam -- that Trotskyists do not spread illusions about a "peaceful" transition from, the present : period of "imperialism, wars and proletarian revolutions" to the future "creation of a world socialist system."
Trotskyism stands for uncompromising struggle against imperi— alism; and the key question is not as Rodong Shinmoon'sees it, whether this struggle is "violent" or "nonviolent™ -- the ruling class decides that -- but whether it is effective or ineffective.
Does it hinder the expansion of imperialism? Does it stop the worldwide forces of ‘counterrevolution and advance the forces of the international workers and peasants? Or does it aid imperialism, weaken : the resistance of the workers and peasants, and ensure the victory of counterrevolution?
Such questions are not something artificial injected by "Trotskyists" from-somewhere outside the class struggle. They arise in the process of the struggle itself and are of crucial importance. A good example is the case of the Indonesian Communist party which went down to defeat last year in one of the greatest political catastrophes of modern times.
Through a grossly opportunist policy, D.N.Aidit, the head of the Indonesian CP paved the way for the crushing of ‘the Communist | party and the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of its followers. His error was to place full confidence in Sukarno, .the representative of the "national" bourgeoisie; i.e., the class enemy. And one of the ways he succeeded in maintaining this fatal policy agairist | criticism from the left was to accuse his critics of. "Trotskyisn. ' For instance, at the plenun ‘of the Central Committee.of the. Indonesian Communist party in May 1965, Aidit declared: "The revolutionary offensive must also be directed at Trotskyism which has since long ago ceased to be a deviation from Marxism and which is nothing more than a gang of political bandits whose work is to organize intrigues and political crimes. The Trotskyites don the cloak of. Marxism to attack Marxism, they raise revolutionary | and ‘left' slogans to oppose the revolutionary movement, so that they can within limits win over the politically uneducated masses.
"The Trotskyites are not forces of the left, nor are they middle-of-the-roaders; they are ultrarightists, consciously anti- Communist and anti-Nasakom. Therefore it is out.of the question to build. unity with Nasakom as the axis unless. action is. -taken against the Trotskyites, as President Sukarno and the Indonesian government have done.". [World Outlook, June 11, 1965.]
But what happened. to the "unity" of Nasakom -- the coalition of nationalists, religious believers and Communists -- which Aidit (and Peking) so fervently desired? That "unity" ended in a slaughter of historic proportions.
The question must be put to Rodong Shinmoon: which position was "reckless" in Indonesia? The Stalinist position of “peaceful... coexistence” with the bourgeoisie and a "peaceful transition" from that "stage" to "socialism," or the Trotskyist position of unconm-. promising struggle?
But it is not to be expected that the editors of Rodong Shinmoon will seriously consider this question. They.chose to take up the cudgels against "Trotskyism" as a convenient way of signaling to Moscow that insofar as the leadership.of the Chinese Communist party may actually follow a policy of international class — struggle, the Korean CP leaders disapprove.
They prefer the line of "péaceful coexistence" in the style of the Khrushchevs, Aidits and Kosygins. It.is the line least likely to disturb a comfortably. ensconced bureaucracy, whatever the consequences otherwise. -
"MULTI-ISSUE" ADVOCATES SPLIT ANTIWAR MOVEMENT IN CANADA
| By P. Kent .
Toronto
As Washington ruthlessly continued to mount its murderous | assault on the people of north Vietnam, and Prime Minister Lester Pearson reaffirmed his government's approval of Johnson's policy at the well-publicized "meeting of minds" at Campobello, the opposition in Canada to these crimes suffered. a serious setback.
‘The Toronto Coordinating Committee to ‘End the War in Vietnam _[&CCEWV] was split wide open when some of its most viable forces were arrogantly excluded. —
A few weeks earlier, the unity of the Vancouver movement against the war in Vietnam was broken when the largely campus-based Vietnam Day Committee was muscled out of the preparations for the © August 6-9 actions. ;
These and similar developments elsewhere suggest a calculated effort to split this promising movement right across the country.
The Toronto Coordinating Committee was launched last February as a non-exclusionist body around the March on Ottawa, held last © March 26 against Canadian complicity in Washington's war. However, at its August 29 meeting, a motion was. jammed through excluding the University of Toronto Committee to End the War -in Vietnam, the Students [highschool] Against the War in Vietnam [SAWV] and the representatives of the Toronto International Vietnam Day Committee and the Committee of Concerned New Democrats, both of which played a big role in launching the Coordinating Committee and the actions taken since.
The. motion was motivated by a statement presented in the name of the libéral-pacifist Toronto Committee for Nuclear Disarmament, the Toronto Peace Center and the Toronto group of Canadian Action — for Peace. It was backed to the hilt, if not actually inspired, by the Communist party.
The statement called for. the exclusion of those (1) who want to build a "single issue" movement, (2) who. want to link the Canadian antiwar movement with the antiwar movement in the United States, (3) who see the. Canadian movement as part of a worldwide antiwar . movement. ,
'As‘against these aims, the signers of the statement contrasted their desire ‘to build. a “mal ti = -issue". peace movement in Canada. —
In the ‘ensuing ‘argument, those marked: out for exclusion from the committee were labeled "Protskyists. " The representatives of SAWV and the University of Toronto Committee, recognized by all as representing the most promising and dynamic forces, were called a "Greek ~chorus " of: ‘the "“Trotskyists. Woo
“Along with - the Trotsky-baiting went all kinds of slanders “against those under attack, including the charge that they had in: effect "imposed" the demand for withdrawal of U.S. troops on the . committee. The truth is that all official statements, including the large newspaper advertisement published in relation to the March 26 demonstration, listed withdrawal of U.S. troops : from Vietnan - as a: key demand. :
The motion to dissolve the committee as it had been constituted and to reconstitute it, leaving out those holding the three specified aims, was passed by a very small majority after several: delegates had walked out in disgust. Representatives of some important groups such as the vital York Committee were not present. Some of those present showed considerable uneasiness. =.
But the promoters of the splitting action blatantly admitted that the action was not democratic, that democracy was of no concern to them-since they had the right to exclude anyone they wished. Underlying everything was the blackmail threat that if the motion . did not carry, some of them would withdraw support from the committee. Attempts to reverse this wrecking action were frustrated by an announcement that the meeting was to be held at a certain place while a*select group was informed that it would actually be held. elsewhere. -
The Coordinating Committee was thus converted into more of a name than a reality. What the splitters think: they have gained is not yet clear. Some of them have a-strong desire to play down Vietnam as a peace issue, for opposition to the war there demands more than perfunctory actions of the kind open to a multi-issue peace movement. For others the demand, "Withdrawal of U.S. Troops," which helps in mobilizing: action because of its simplicity and clarity, is embarrassing. They feel that the slogan tends to alienate the wide spectrum of respectable currents that favor "negotiations." In addition, the slogan, "End Canadian Complicity," brands the Canadian Liberal government for supporting the crimes of Washington. It has been given only equivocal support by such forces as the Communist party, which has been vainly seeking allies in the Walter Gordon wing of) the Liberal party for'’an anti-U.5. policy.
~ It is possible that the major forces” in the newly constituted TCCEWV - ‘intend to content. themselves with merely token opposition’ to the: war: in Vietnam in the future. i
| While the Laplitting action will temporarily confuse ‘the
picture, playing into the hands of sectarians and opponents of the antiwar movement for a while, it will. certainly not stop those who have been excluded. They will continue to move forward in their efforts to mobilize powerful forces in this country to end the war in Vietnam. 7
Efforts to build neighborhood organizations, delayed because at one time it appeared that the TCCEWV might stir itself to move in this direction, are now underway. Meetings have been called in three separate Toronto areas to launch neighborhood clubs. Two have held their first meeting and it is apparent that it is possible to attract new and viable forces into the struggle.
The possibility: of mobilizing support for a large benefit affair for the Fort Hood Three (three U.S. soldiers who have been sentenced to prison for refusing to fight in a war which they con- . sider to be unjust) is being worked on.
SAWV has just held a highly successful conference to launch “nis term' s. work.
The University of Toronto Committee: to End the War in Vietnan © has moved out boldly to build a powerful movement on the key Toronto campus and to spark a United Student Protest on November 11-12 on campuses right across the country.
The response to its appeal for support on registration days shows that there is a new, wide and active interest in Vietnan.
The first consolidating action sponsored by the University of Toronto Committee will be a mass meeting on September 28 which will be addressed by A.J.Muste, head of the Fifth Avenue Vietnam — Peace Parade Committee and initiator of the Fort Hood Three Defense Committee.
The call for a United Student Protest Action over November 11- 12, days customarily set aside for commemorating the millions who died in the first two world wars, is winning Canada-wide support. The New Democratic party youth have already moved in to assure a big success on Alberta campuses. The Toronto committee has set up a communications committee to provide some -coordination and to prepare buttons and posters. :
UNREST ON THE RISE IN ECUADOR
The rising cost of living has led to a new rise in unrest in Ecuador. On August 24 bakers in Cuenca urged a nationwide strike by all bakers to protest a new boost in the price of flour. Demonstrations broke out in the streets of Quito August 25 to protest a 50% increase in bus fares. Students in Esmeraldas and Guayaquil struck for an increase in the educational budget, while 11,000 fruit workers demanded that companies be forced to obey labor laws.
_ =3)]-
WHY HEALY BOLTED FROM THE VIETNAM SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN
London
“Anyone: who relies on The Newsletter , the weekly organ. of the Central Committee of the Socialist Labour League, for an appreciation of British politics, must arrive at a rather bizarre impression of. what goes on in this. country. In the left, for instance, to believe the editors, everything divides neatly into only two categories -the good guys of the SLL and the bad guys who are trying to do them in, the latter consisting of assorted "fake lefts, " "betrayers ," "liars," and the ultimate in monsters, the "Pabloites.
The latest to be added to the list of evildoers in SLL folklore is Bertrand Russell, his secretary Ralph Schoenman and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. The additions were made after a fancy maneuver under the auspices of National Secretary Gerry’ Healy that ended with heads spinning in at least his own organization if nowhere else.
The documents speak for themselves. [See World Outlook Septen-
ber 23 for full texts.] But they can be better appreciated in the light of a few facts concerning the background.
The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign got underway last December. It arose in response to the need felt’ by left socialists to take some action in England in opposition to the war in Vietnam and in behalf of the Vietnamese freedom fighters. The Campaign was projected as "a united front of individuals. and groups, holding diverse political views and diverse estimates of the world political situation" organized in "defense of the principle of self-determination: defense of a small peasant country against the aggression, intervention and domination of the world's strongest industrial power." The Campaign called for "the unconditional withdrawal of the aggressor's forces, the removal of his military bases from Vietnam and the restoration of Vietnamese sovereignty to the Vietnamese people. We are ready therefore to support any and only those conditions for peace which are acceptable to the Vietnamese themselves, to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and the National Liberation Front." (Why Vietnam Solidarity? Policy Statement by, the National Council of the Vietnam ‘Solidarity Campaign. Emphasis in the original.
“It was a relatively small formation -- a united front of various Maoist tendencies (which later broke from the Campaign); several African and Asian student organizations; the supporters of The Week, a journal that received national attention when one of its leading spokesmen, Ken Coates, was expelled from the Nottingham Labour party; the supporters of the International Socialist, which is distinguished by its contention that the Soviet Union is state capitalist in character; and the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation (Russell himself having been the initiator). ‘The leaders of the SLL expressed no interest at the time. a
After participating in the Easter March and leading several
demonstrations outside the American embassy, in which several of its members were arrested, the Campaign attracted some attention and support around the country, becoming established as a factor in the antiwar movement. Its successes were mainly propagandistic, since it addressed itself to setting larger forces in motion, particularly the Labour movement. Its representatives held meetings and film showings where they argued for withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam in opposition to the position that echoes the Johnsonite line of: demanding that Hanoi enter into "negotiations. "
When Johnson gave the order to bomb Hanoi, the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, in combination with the Committee of 100, organized a protest march in London involving 1,000 participants.
If ‘criticism could be made of the Campaign it would lie in its too close identification with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front. A sufficient. basis for a united front would seem to ‘be opposition to the course of American imperialism, its policy of genocide, the Pentagon's escalation of the war, and the mounting danger that Johnson will plunge humanity into a nuclear conflict, coupled with a.demand for immediate withdrawal of the American troops.
In response to a call sent out by the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee of New York for International Days of Protest around August 6-9, the Campaign leadership decided to organize a protest meeting in London. This was to end with a torchlight parade to the U.S. embassy. :
It was then that the Socialist Labour League decided to get into the act. Shortly. after the protest meeting was announced, the chairman of the Campaign, Ralph Schoenman, was queried by a representative of the SLL concerning participation.
The overture was accepted by the executive of the Campaign and a meeting was held at which an understanding was reached. The | nature of this understanding is now in dispute, Healy claiming he made no commitments, Schoenman claiming that Healy did commit the SLL not. to use the Campaign as a forum for attacking other members of the united front (whatever the SLL did in its press), to drop.the . use of the offensive term "Vietcong" (it is especially offensive to: the Vietnamese freedom fighters, being equivalent to the derogatory . designation "Commies"), and not to attack the Vietnamese leaders. nor the 1954 Geneva accords. On the basis of this agreement, Schoenman welcomed the SLL into the campaign, including giving them a prominent place on the platform of the protest meeting.
Healy's next move was to nominate Mike Banda, "the assistant General Secretary of the S.L.L.," for the list of speakers. This caused a reaction in the executive committee of the Campaign as it was felt that due to past bad experiences, some of the other speakers would be unwilling to appear on the same platform with Banda and this would complicate the problem of getting a balanced representation for the meeting.
-The executive committee asked the SLL leadership to consider. submitting. a different nominee, ,if only for tactical reasons. ‘The .. intention was not to veto a decision: of the SLL but to engage. in... consultation on the special problems presented by including the ‘SLL in the Campaign. The SLL insisted on Mike Banda, however, and the others in the Campaign went along.
. Up. until the time of the protest meeting, the SLL leaders . appeared to be trying to act within the spirit of the verbal agreenents that had been reached. The Newsletter dropped the use of the offensive term "Vietcong" and. carried notices of the meeting. The ...,, SLL issued special publicity, including leaflets, to help make a success of the gathering.
Despite a thunderstorm and heavy rain, some 500 people packed into Mahatma.Gandhi. Hall, an estimated 200 of them being members or sympathizers of the SLL and the Young Socialists under SLL influence.
‘The main speakers. were Laurence Daly, ‘head of the Scottish. Miners; Tariq Ali, former: head of the Oxford Union; John. Palmer of. the International Socialist tendency; and Mike Banda.
The speeches were fine ones -- including the one made by Mike Banda, . who went out of his way to thank the organizers of the Campaign for agreeing to representation of.the SLL on the platform. "It's been a long time since we have had the opportunity," he said, "to speak on the same platform as other political tendencies."