Blanco, while it is asserted that the judges: incline to the death penalty." —
The timing of the trial is significant. It comes in the wake of the crushing of the new guerrilla fronts that flared up in Peru... last year. As part of the campaign that ended with the murder of Javier Heraud, Luis de la Puente and Guillermo Lobatén, Belatnde opened a nationwide witch-hunt. In the atmosphere of terror that still exists in Peru, the authorities evidently count on disposing of Hago Blanco and. other revolutionary leaders without touching off a reaction in the labor and peasant movements that could place the .-. regime in immediate peril. en
“/All kinds of difficulties have been placed in the way of Hugo. Blanco's defense. ."Because Blanco has no attorney," reports the...» August 17 La Tribuna, "the Police Zone appointed one. This is due to the fact that no lawyer in Arequipa, including the Communists, cared to take up his defense."
That is only part of the truth. "During the process of gathering information," reports the August 20 issue of Revolucién Peruana, the organ of the Frente de Izquierda Revolucionario [Revolutionary Left Front] which is headed by Hugo Blanco, "he was denied use of |. the most elementary juridical norms of defense... Even worse, a harsh |. regime was imposed’on him and he was kept permanently incomunicado. _ His attorneys were jailed, as in the case of Dr.: Victor Angles, who ~was held for eight months in the penal colony of El Sepa in 1964, and likewise Dr. Alfredo Battilana who was held for three months in 1965."
During his three years and three months in prison at Arequipa, continues Revolucién Peruana, Hugo Blanco "has been held incomuni-;>- ; cado all this time, without visits even from his relatives. He has |: been held in isolation from the rest of the prison inmates. His correspondence, as well.as reading matter, has been rigorously censored by the officers of the Republican Guard. In addition, Major G.R. Del . Carpio has lately intensified his provocations against Hugo Blanco, |: through constant insults and open provocations, with the obvious ain . of faking an attack in order ’‘to kill him in cold blood, as was done with the peasant leader of Chumbivilcas, Arcadio Hurtado, July 26,
1964, in the Cuzco jail.
"Due to all this, Hugo Blanco has gone on hunger strikes ten times as the only means to get better treatment, the longest being 28 days during August 1965. "
: The political importance of the case can be gathered from. the fact that in Peru, Hugo Blanco is a legendary figure among the mil- . lions of peasants. Outside of Peru, his standing can be judged by . the following statement made by Che Guevara in Algiers, July 23,: 1963: "Hugo Blanco is the head of one of the guerrilla movements in. Peru. He struggled stubbornly but the repression was strong. I don't know what-his tactics were, but his fall does not signify the end of the movement. It is. only a man that has fallen,;,.but the movement continues. One time, when we were preparing to make our landing from the Granma, and when there was great risk that all of us would be killed, Fidel said: 'What is more important than us iS the example we set.' It's the same thing. Hugo Blanco: has set an example, a good’ example, and he struggled as much as he could. But he suffered. a defeat, the popular forces suffered a defeat. It's only a passing: stage. Afterward will come another stage."
In his book Cuzco: Tierra y. Muerte (Cuzco: Land and Death], published in Lima in 1964, Hugo Neira of the staff of the Lima daily Expreso, described the way the peasants view Hugo Blanco:
"Fought by the right, his image distorted by prestige due to erroneous reports about him being a guerrilla fighter, injured by the silence, if not sabotage, of the traditional, bureaucratic |. | groups of Communism, extolled by the FIR (Frente de Izquierda: Revolucionario), feared and hated by the unorganized yanaconas and the hacendados, admired by the union ranks, Hugo Blanco looms over. the whole South.
"This is the straight truth, without falsification, of what this man, who is a prisoner today in Arequipa, means to the peasant masses....'We owe him everything, '. say the peasants. In fact every change in Convencién and elsewhere in the country, was accelerated due to the danger they saw in the peasants having no hope other than hope in the revolutionary unionism of Blanco.
' "Devotion to Blanco is total; they don' t dare bring him ‘to trial. I am referring to the unionized peasants. ‘He is our chief, they say....And in every peasant's home there is an empty bed. It's the one. that was waiting hopefully for the leader when he was going around the region organizing or:when he was passing during the night, under ‘the = stars, fleeing from the police.. e ra
Hugo Blanco was a student of agronomy at the University. of La Plata in Argentina when his interest was aroused in Trotskyism. He left the university and became a worker in a meat :packing plant at Béerisso. Rapidly proving his capacities, he became one of the leaders of the Trotskyist wing of the Partido Socialista de la. . Revolucién Nacional, the predecessor of the present Partido Revolu-
cionario de los ‘Trabajadores.
“Returning to Peru, he became a leader in a local of a building trades union in Lima and also of the Peruvian. Trotskyist movement. He was one of the organizers of the demonstrations that greeted Richard Nixon in the ill-fated 1958 South American tour of the vice-president. of. ‘the United States.
The Lima | police sought. to arrest. Hugo Blanco for his role in
organizing a welcome of this kind in Lima for Nixon, and he went into hiding. in his home town, Cuzco. At the time, the peasant movement was on the rise in the area. The main peasant organization was dominated by lawyers belonging to the Communist party.
Hugo Blanco became deeply involved in this movement. He had several advantages. Besides the understanding of the class struggle gained from his study of Trotskyist theory and his experience in practical work in both Argentina and Lima, his native tongue was | Quechua, the language still spoken by the Peruvian peasants since the time of the Incas.
In contrast. to the Communist party leaders, who spoke only Spanish, Hugo-Blanco became the first leader of Federacion Campesina del Cuzco who could speak to the membership in their: own language. He became a powerful exponent of the right of the peasants to preserve and to develop their own language and to use it. in all matters relating to ‘governmental and civic affairs.
In opposition to the Communist leaders, who were tied to a Stalinist background and who sought to confine the peasant struggle to merely legal means and court battles, Hugo Blanco advanced a program of mass struggle. The objective was’ to form powerful peasant unions that would engage in mass actions, particularly around the land question, under the guidance of a revolutionarysocialist party.
This program did not deny the role of armed struggle, but visualized this, including the formation of guerrillas, as subordinate to the problem of organizing a revolutionary party and mobilizing the peasants and workers on a mass scale.
Under the leadership of Hugo Blanco, the peasants of the valley of La Convencién registered huge successes. Two factors, however, prevented this movement from moving ahead to the conquest of power. One was the loss of militancy among those peasants who actually won plots of land. The other was the wide dissemination of a superficial appreciation of the Cuban Revolution. To many revolutionary-minded youth it appeared that a revolution could be won by merely constituting a small band of guerrillas willing to engage in-‘heroic battles with the armed forces. What was lost sight of was the need to become deeply immersed in mass work. Isolated battles were not sufficient to set mass forces. into motion.
A strong tendency thus appeared in Peru to misread the pos-
sibilities of guerrilla war. Hugo Blanco stood against this, doing his best to put the role of guerrillas into proper focus. The dis— tinctions he made were not widely known, however, and he himself became known as a guerrilla leader despite his insistence on the. primary importance of. mass work and party building.
The Peruvian armed forces found it extremely difficult to. capture Hugo Blanco due to his close ties with the peasants. It was only when he had to enter Cuzco in desperate need of medical help that they finally got. their hands on the 28-year-old leader. He. was charged with "responsibility" for the death of "five rural policemen" killed during skirmishes with land-hungry peasants, of "subver— sion" and "armed attack," and similar alleged crimes.
_ In widespread actions against. the peasants at the time, the armed forces also arrested. hundreds of others, some thirty of the outstanding leaders being held along with Hugo Blanco in prison without trial. These include such well-known peasant figures in Peru as Fortunato Vargas, Andrés Gonzales, Leonidas Carpio, Pedro Candela, Gerardo Carpio, and Aniceto Munoz.
-As indicated above, it has been very difficult to organize an adequate defense for Hugo Blanco and his fellow defendants because of the effect.of the terror. launched by the government. From sources in Peru we: learn that it is even diffcult to get funds for the defense. ; ee
Protests from abroad are hove teat all the more important.
These should be placed with the consulates and embassies of the Peruvian governnent. a
In addition protests ‘and demands for the immediate release. of the defendants should be sent to the Tercera Zona Judicial de Policia, Arequipa, Peru, and to Presidente Fernando Belatnde Terry, | Lima, Peru.
Copies of such communications. as well as reports of actions can be sent to two publications: Caretas, Camandé 615, Oficina 308, Lima, Peru; .and 0188, Av. Salaverry O04, Lima, Peru.
Copies should ‘also be sent to Dr. Alfredo Battilana, Av. Nicola de Pierola; 966; Oficina e15, Tima, Peru.
For. additional background on. the case, see World. Outlook, January 1 and August 20, 1965.
PEKING OPERA STAR COMMITS SUICIDE
According to. the Hong Kong Star, Chou Hsin-fang, one of the most famous singers of the Peking Opera, committed suicide after being made the object. of criticism in Mao's current "cultural revolution." He took his life two days after his close friends Hu Ti-wei and Chin Su-won hanged themselves following criticisn.
-ll-.
TUPAC AMARU" CASE OPENS IN LIMA
On August. 4 a trial closely related to the Hugo Blanco case opened in Lima. It ran for five days and then, due to a legal tech-... nicality, was adjourned until September 8. 2
The postponement, although it came on a motion by the defense, was not exactly welcomed by the prisoners. They have been sitting in Peru's notorious dungeons since May 1962 without a hearing.
Although the Belatnde government claims that only a "common crime" is involved -- the holdup of three banks in 1961-62 -- it waited for more than four years before bringing the defendants to trial. The truth is that it is a highly political case and the representatives of the ruling oligarchy deemed it best to wait until the labor and peasant movements reached such low ebb that a trial could safely be held. They appear to believe that with the defeat of the guerrilla fronts that appeared last year, it is now safe to go ahead.
~ Forty-two defendants are named in the indictment. Some of a them are listed only as "John Doe"; others were never captured. But fourteen had already served more than four years before their trial opened.
These include the Argentine Trotskyist leader Daniel Pereyra Pérez; Eduardo J. Creus, an Argentine revolutionist known in the | meat— packing and metallurgical unions; and Jose Martorell Soto, a Spanish revolutionist.
Among the Peruvians are three engineering students, Jorge Tamayo, Fernando Alfaga and Joel Silva. Activists in the labor movement include Ratl Terzi, Pedro. Candela, Guillermo Abrahamshon, José Ojeda, Victor Argote, and Juna- Nunez Tello. co
Under accusa tien of "involvement , " the police: also arrested a number of Trotskyist leaders and members of Frente de. Izquierda Revolucionario, including Felix Zevallos, Antonio Aragon, Vladimir Valer,; Gorki Tapia, Héctor Loaiza, Angel " Avendaiio, Leoncio Bueno, R. Rodriguez, and J. Huarcaya.
At the time, the "expropriations" created a tremendous sen=.! sation in Peru. The final holdup was the biggest in the history of: the country, involving more then 2 1600, 000 soles. [this equalled o almost U.S. $160,000].
Much more sensational than that, however, was a letter dated April 21,°1962, which was sent to the: ‘press by some of those involved. They included top students at the university from highly respectable families who explained that the "expropriation" had» : been carried ‘out to help finance the Latin-American guerrilla. move" ment.
They announced. that they had.left the Trotskyist movement because out of tactical considerations it opposed such actions as they had decided on. They said they had formed a new group, the "Tupac Amaru" movement which was dedicated to advancing the guerrilla movement in.order to develop the socialist revolution and win power in Peru. a a
.: Unfortunately for these. dedicated youths, the.police in a routine traffic incident in Cuzco accidentally picked up one of them together.with a truck carrying 424,000 soles. The others were quickly apprehended.
“The incident touched off a big. public discussion, filling columns of the press, over the social and political implications. Even conservative editors had to.confess that Peru was ripe for revolution and that the. motives of the young students were of an idealistic nature, however. mistaken they were in touching private property in such a reprehensible way.
It was precisely because of the widespread sympathy for those involved that the Peruvian government considered the case too hot politically to bring to trial. After subjecting some of the defendants, such as Daniel Pereyra to brutal torture, the authorities simply held them in prison. .
When the trial finally opened August 4, the prosecution attempted to block its political side from coming to the fore. The Belaunde government is quite concerned about presenting it asa _.. "common crime" thereby helping to. pave the way for a similar way of. handling the case of Hugo Blanco, the well-known Trotskyist peasant | leader, whose trial appears imminent.
Two: of the defense attorneys, Doctora Tuisa Caller Iberica and Doctor Alfredo Batillana Maggiolo, succeeded in cutting through this with a motion requesting the presence in the docket of Pedro Candela Santillana. Candela occupies the unique position of being a defendant in both this case and the. Hugo Blanco case. He has been held in ‘prison at Cuzco.
- Prosecutor César Barrés Conti objected. ‘At ‘first ‘the judge , Carlos Carranza luna, declared that Candela had been placed in the category of an "absent" defendant (a defendant who is still “at large"). Batillana argued that.Candela could scarcely be considered to be at large.since telegrams had been placed before the court | before the hearing began,showing that he was held in prison at. Cuzco. He cited precedents showing that the defense motion had a strong legal basis. .
The court decided to deliberate. The judge's deliberations. weré probably facilitated by the fact that Candela had gone on. 4. hunger strike. Candela sent a telegram stating that he would not. _ take any food whatsoever until he was. brought.to Lima to be. tried together with the other defendants.
After deliberating. over the arguments, the court decided to grant the defense motion. Candela was. brought by plane to Lima; but,according to Peruvian: law,-the delay compelled postponement.of the | trial. mee as mo a ae
Candela's presence also facilitated the line of the defense. In presenting her motion, Doetora' Caller stated that it’ was. necessary to question Candela in order to establish the motives. for the © bank holdups. These, of course, were political. —
The move also created problems for the prosecution in the Hugo Blanco case since Candela is also one of the chief defendants there. The Lima papers speculated that it might mean a delay in prosecuting Blanco.
The authorities have shown by their whole course of action that once they open Hugo Blanco's trial, they hope to railroad it | through with minimum opportunity for the labor and peasant movements to begin mounting pressure for a fair trial and the immediate release of the popular revolutionary figure. . 7
Actions in behalf of the defendants should.be made at Peruvian consulates and embassies. Protests should be sent to Presidente Fernando Belatinde Terry, Lima, Peru. 7 oo
Copies of the protests and reports about actions should be . sent to Dr. Alfredo Battilana, Av. Nicola de Pierola, 966; Oficina.. 215, Lima, Peru. :
The government of Gustavo Diaz Ordaz is continuing to show. its inclination to test out McCarthyite methods as a means of answering unrest over inflation and other economic, social and political problems facing the Mexican people.
. Having got away with arresting the well-known Adolfo Gilly and a number of followers of J. Posadas on charges of "subversion" and "plotting" to overthrow the government by "force. and violence": [see World Outlook May 13 and June 17], the political police have — now moved against a better known target -- Victor Rico Galan and Raul Ugalde Alvarez and their supporters. -
Victor Rico Galén is a prominent leftist Mexican writer wellknown for his sympathetic défense of the Cuban Revolution.
In true witch-hunt style, as has become their custom, the Mexican political police staged a series of raids, rounded up a nunber of suspects, submitted them to intensive questioning, most likely not without the use of torture, and then issued a statement to the press (August 12) virtually trying and condemning the prisoners without permitting them a single word in self-defense.
According to the: police, the defendants had held "meetings" in which they "planned the organization of tactics and activities. clearly subversive and. against. the internal security of the nation." As proof, the police submitted photographs of arms they claimed to have seized in the homes of those arrested.
These included "three radio transmitters; a home-made time bomb, possibly charged with nitroglycerine, nine rifles, three pistols, some cartridges of various calibers, and mechanisms to be converted into pistols. " Obviously this was sufficient armament to give the fragile Diaz Ordaz. government | Be bad case of the jitters!
The police announced that 33 persons. had been picked up “in the first raid. In a second raid, 17 more were added to the list.
Among them was Moises Lozana Villafana, a student at the National School of Political Sciences. The police said he admitted belonging to the Liga Obrera Mexicana but denied belonging to the group headed by Victor Rico Galan. The LOM constitutes the Mexican Section of the Fourth International.
According to the police, the "Movimiento Revolucionario del Pueblo" headed by Rico Galan "plotted" a subversive action against the government, scheduling it to begin on September 1. The police | did not enlarge on how the "plotters" expected to take over with their limited radio apparatus, nine rifles, three pistols and one home-made time bomb. Instead, the police praised themselves on . their timely action in breaking up the "plot."
This was enough, of course, for screaming headlines in the Mexican capitalist press. The defendants were barred from making any statements and were denied the! opportunity. to be questioned by reporters. To make up for this, the police issued statements claiming to be admissions made by the defendants under: interrogation. The Mexican press; a very model ‘of cooperativeness with the police in. dispensing: capitalist justice, faithfully printed these ‘police documents. .
Even from this material it is clear that the main crime of the defendants was to hold meetings in which social and political subjects. were discussed and in.which the "idea" of. guerrillas | was advanced. “te ce ee ; ;
Among the proofs was 2 carbon copy of an "essay" on guerrilla warfare, and the assertion that Rico Galan "authorized" the purchase "from-a bookstore" of a manual on explosives and demolition in which he marked several pages. It was also claimed that he. bought a book on marksmanship and invited his group to engage in target practice.
Study of two "subversive" books was cited: Che Guevara's _. manual on guerrilla warfare and Mao Tse-tung's writings on the use of guerrilla warfare in fighting. the. Japanese. occupation of China.
Among the criminal activities listed by the police, Ratil
Ugalde was cited as having taught classes in political economy and Victor Rico in dialectical materialisn.
In view of Victor Rico Galadn's energetic defense of the Cuban Revolution in innumerable articles, it was feared that the Diaz government might be moving toward some kind of blow at Havana. It was noticeable, however, that the police in the statements they issued to the press, avoided references to Cuba aside from mentioning Che Guevara's book on guerrilla warfare.
Most likely the government was proceeding cautiously in order to ascertain what kind of reaction this latest McCarthyite move | might have. If they can get away with it, then they ‘will undoubtedly proceed still further.
YON SOSA