CONVERSATION OPENS
Can the French Socialists and Communists Get Together?
By Pierre Frank
PARIS, Jan, 22 ~= France has passed through a series of political and social shocks since 1934 and will not find stability until the working class, led by a revolutionary party, takes power, One of the essential tasks of such a party will be to achieve revolutionary unity in action of the Frencn working class which has been divided on the olitical level since 1920. One of the greatest failuresof the PCF Lrench Communist party], in the period when it sought to be a revolutionary party as well as later when it was dominated by Stalinism, was that it could not orient itself correctly on the question of unity of action, of the united front of the working class. In general it could be said that it has oscillated between a sectarian policy towards the PS [Socialist party] and an opportunist policy in the wake of the same rival,
The question of relations between the PCF and the PS is again on the agenda, The setting for this was de Gaulle's coming to power and the installation of a bonapartist regime that does not bother about parliamentary games. But it.is likewise placed in a historic development that weighs on these parties and on the workers. To understand current. developments and what is projected, it is necessary to bear in mind, at least in broad outline, the history of these relations.
After the split at Tours in 1920 which gave birth to the Communist party, nothing outstanding occurred until 1934, due to the lack of big struggles in the country. Each of the two parties acted without paying much attention to the other, The Communist party at certain times made proposals for a united front with the Socialist party; at other times it sought to undermine it with a policy of a "united front from below"; i.e., with the ranks of the PS to the exclusion of their leaders -- a. bizarre concept of Stalinism not noted for its success,
In 1934, after Hitler's victory in Germany, reaction and fascism rose dangerously in France. On February 6, 1934, a reactionary coup d'état was attempted. Immediately following this, an almost spontane~ ous mass movement surged up in France, giving birth everywhere to antifascist vigilance committees, The two leaderships were impelled under this pressure to sign a pact for joint antifascist action. The leaderships hastily transformed this agreement, widening it to include the Radical party, thus creating the Popular Front, This alliance between the workers parties and a wing of French capitalism coincided with a rapprochement between France and the USSR on the plane of international relations, In 1936 the Popular Front won a parliamentary majority; then it limited and halted the gigantic movement of occupa~ tion of the plants and left capitalist property and the capitalist state intact. Once this was achieved, the capitalists took the initia- . tive and in 1937-38 the Popular Front. was ruptured, relations between the PG and the PS becoming envenomed.
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- Ups and Downs
From the signing of the Hitler-Stalin past in August 19359 up to the day of Hitlerts attack against the Soviet Union, the PC and the PS were virtually at sword's points; the Socialist ministers, during the first months of the war, underwriting the repression of Communist militants forced into the underground,
During the Resistance and Liberation period, Communists and Socialists co-operated again, first of all in the struggle against the German occupation, then. . . in the re-establishment of the capitalist state and economy; the principle differences between the experience of 1944-47 and that of 1936-38 being that this time the MRP [Christian Democrats organized in the Mouvement Républicain Populaire] replaced the Radical party as the bourgeois ally and the Communists had repre~« sentatives in the government, beginning with Thorez, vice-president of the government presided over by de Gaulle,
In April-May 1947, partly under the pressure of the workers at Renault who went on strike against the advice of all the trade«union leaders (Stalinists and reformists), and more directly because of the "cold war" that broke out, the break between the PCF and the SP widened again. ; ,
Parallel with these developments on the political level, the trade-union movement, split in 1921 by the reformists, was reunified -. from 1935 to 1939, then again from 1943 to 1948,
It is to be noted that the relations within the workers. movement: have hinged considerably on relations between the leading factions of French capitalism and the Soviet power, At bottom, the interests of the French bourgeoisie have counted much more to the Socialists than the specific interests of the French working class. With the leader ship of the PCF the primary interests have been those of the Soviet bureaucracy. —
‘Since the end of the second.world war and, above all, since the "cold war," two factors have not ceased to weigh on the Socialist cadres in their relations with the PCF, Unlike the period before 1939, the PCF has largely held the majority in the working class.+
eee. “Whereas in 1936, the relation of votes was around 65 to 35 in favor of the Socialist party; since 1945 the same relationship shifted in favor of the PCF, It is understandable that in view of this important change, many Communist militants, not grasping the conditions as a whole that led to this result, have not been able to see the policy of the Popular Front as injurious since it led to the strengthening of their party, Contrariwise, the Socialists, without condemning the experience of the Popular Front, have felt some bitterness over the ~ results it appeared to bring their party.
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There is this and the "Prague coup"; that is, the events that assured the transformation of Czechoslovakia into a workers! state in 1948,#*
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From 1947 up to de Gaulle'ts. coming to power in 1958, the "cold war" raged continually between the PS and the PCF, Even in 1956, during the administration of Guy Mollet, the PS leader, although the Communist deputies voted for this government, and particularly for its infamous "special powers" which were aimed at bolstering the war in Algeria and installing a fascist power there, the Socialists refused to take into consideration the Communist votes.
Even more, in distinction from what had always been the practice in the past, this attitude was widely supported by Socialist voters, _iIn the second round of balloting, a Socialist candidate would continue to oppose a Communist candidate who had made out better in the first round, or would withdraw in favor of a bourgeois candidate. Unlike former times, the Communist candidates did not receive even a small part of the Socialist votes.
It is absolutely true that the important, even decisive, factor of the prewar period had definitively disappeared -- tnere was no per= spective whatever for an important wing of French capitalisin to seek an alliance with the USSR against American imperialism, The factor of "foreign policy" went directly against a rapprochement between the PCF and the PS,
Affected by Workers
But both of them are workers parties, both of them distant from the revolutionary struggle for socialism, but both with deep roots in the working class, unable not to take into account the interests and the democratic rights of the workers in capitalist society. If this was evident for the PCF, it was likewise true for the PS no matter how it had been affected by the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie during: the years of the Fourth Republic (1945-58) when the Socialist party was in power or never far from it, This was rapidly shown upon the installation of the Gaullist regime, .
If the rebellion in Algiers on May 13 permitted de Gaulle to’ make his bid as a candidate for power, it was Guy Mollet above all who succeeded in having him accepted by the political circles of the Fourth Republic and who, despite strong resistance from the Socialist parlia-~ mentary caucus, blocked any united action by the workers against the turn. Up to this day, Guy Mollet defends his attitude toward de Gaulle at that time, declaring even that in identical circumstances, he would do it again,
“xIt is pointless to cite the details of the Prague affair, which the Khrushchevists refer to as an example of the peaceful and parliamentary road to socialism, whereas the Socialists point to the way the Communists utilized their posts in the government, Both of them appear to forget the presence of the Soviet Army at the time in Gzechoslovakia,
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But the installation of the Gaullist regime resulted in bringing about. from the beginning a profound change in relations in the working class, This did not take any of the spectacular forms of the years 1934835, On the contrary, the new tendency was not easily perceptible, In the municipal elections of 1959, for the first time an appreciable percentage of Socialist voters were noted to have voted on the second round for Communist candidates despite: the slogans of the Socialist party.
But it was on the occasion of the legislative elections of November 1962 that the turn was taken by the Sucialist leadership.
In the elections, the Socialist party appeared in a combination called the “cartel of the nots," an assemblage of parliamentary forma~ tions extending from the right to the left of the Fourth Republic (PS, Radical party, MRP, independents) who came out against the election of the president of the republic by universal suffrage. This cartel had no common program, the candidates being united solely on a. commitment to withdraw on the second round for those who made out best on the first.
Four days before the election, Guy Mollet made a public declaration the gist of which was that He saw no reason for not withdrawing ‘on the second round for a Communist candidate. Such a declaration was equivalent to breaking the electoral cartel of the no's, and the other partners took it as a break. On the second round, the Socialists withdrew in many areas in favor of Communist candidates, and their appeals were met with enthusiasm by more. than seventy-five per cent of the voters, A chapter had ended. What would the future hold? Miners Judge the Turn
Guy Mollet declared that only an electoral operation against the | personal Gaullist power was involved, that there was no political agreement between the two parties, no common program, no reciprocal engagement. This was formally true, but it was no less true that this could not be the end of the matter. The mass of workers, who had something to do with this Socialist decision bécause of what was developing silently among their ranks, felt stimulated; for them it announced a new situation, A few weeks later a great strike was staged by the miners, a fraternity where these relations have always been decisive for their struggles,
In 1963. the Socialist party congress decided to hold a public dis- “cussion with the PCF on their reciprocal relations, and a delegation of the PS that included Mollet and Defferre [the Socialist mayor of Marseilles] went to Moscow where they talked at length with Khrushchev.
The discussion between the PS and the PCF was launched at the beginning of 1964 with a rather odd opening: the two participants began talking about different questions without entering into a dialogue, The leadership of the PCF raised the question of the pro~ ram for joint action, including the presidential campaign. , The leadership of the PS raised in its way the problems of the split of 1920, the
"21 conditions" for adherence to the Communist International, ete, The leadership of the PS has remained silent on the: question’ of the. program for current action; the leadership of the PCF has said nothing about the doctrinal questions mentioned by the Socialists,
It is evident that the leadership of the PCF is seeking above-all to mobilize their party for an action in the direction of the Socialists and towards the outside, whereas the leadership of the PS does not want to become engaged in a possible action without having previously prepared their ranks, For them, joint action is equivalent to supping with the devil, and, as is known, to do that it is necessary to have a long spoon,
In a few days the special congress of the Socialist party will be held... Perhaps new factors will enter into its deliberations, In © another article we will examine in greater detail the discussion; that. is unfolding and the perspectives .it may offer,
RECENT EVENTS IN ADEN
By Muhsin Abo Mishaal
“at the beginning of 1963, Aden joined the "Federation of Southern. ~ Arabia," This federation, initiated by Britain, already included several of the states of the southern Arabia protectorates,
Aden is by far the most advanced colony in the protectorate, with so-called democratic institutions, a strong and developed trade-union _ movement and the highest general level of education in southern: Arabia, The protectorate states, on the other hand, are extremely backward, Living in medieval feudalism with tribal relations.
British imperialism established the federation in order to main= tain its influence via the offices of the ruling sultans and feudalists. The sultanates control the federation through the federal supreme council and the federal governments, which they dominate. By means of the federation, British imperialism seeks to stabilize this part of . southern Arabia, basing itself on the sultanates and Aden bourgeoisie: .
It is significant that formation of the federation occurred shortly after the Yemen revolt, which endangered Britaints economic and ‘military strategic position in Aden. The existence of a large commun= ity of northern Yemenis working in Aden increased the problem, The Adenese as a whole consider themselves as belonging to Yemen, referring — to Aden as “occupied southern Yemen," .
For the last few years the Trade Union Congress has led the struggle for independence. The High Commissioner introduced legal measures prohibiting the trade unions from participating in political. activity. The trade_unions countered this act by forming the People's socialist party tesPl, opposing the federation and demanding unity with Yemen.
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Many of the trade union leaders have suffered imprisonment, receiving brutal treatment, including whipping,
After a year of apparent - stability, contradictions began to develop inside the government between the sultans on the one hand and the Aden bourgeoisie on the other, The latter ‘support the United National party LuNP] which in general represents the compradore capi-~ talist interests and the upper strata of the petty bourgeoisie, | The Bomb Incident
Recently a bomb was thrown at High Commissioner Sir Kennedy Tranaskis as he stood at the airport with a delegation on its way for . talks in. London, The incident represents a sharp turn in events in Aden. It appears to mark a shift by the opposition, which is suppor-~ ted by the new regime in Yemen, from peaceful methods of struggle to the use of violence, It thus indicates the beginning of the end for the ill-conceived federation,
Tribes to the north of Aden (at Hill near the Yemen border).are in revolt against the British and the federation, Federation troops have been moved into the area. oe
Under the pressure of the masses,.who support the PSP, the Aden bourgeoisie have been forced into opposing the federation. Most of the Aden ministers resigned in protest.over the Declaration of. Emer gency which followed the bomb incident.
On. December 1 the éntire leadership of the trade unions and the PSP were again arrested, most of them being taken to the Fudhli sultanate (the most reactionary of all).
. The fate of the prisoners has led to great concern, No one has been allowed to see them but they managed to.get word out, <A British officer refused to permit them to have blankets or food sent by rela-~ tives. Many of them are ill because of lack of sleep and blocked blood circulation, (They are packed in their cell so tightly that they cannot stretch out,
The most prominent prisoner is Abdula Al-Asnag, secretary. of the Aden Trade Union Congress and president of the Peoplets Socialist _ party.. He is reported to be quite ill, yet no doctor has been allowed te see him,
One of the leaders of the women was placed in a hospital after being arrested, She went on a hunger strike and became dangerously weak but was still carrying on.
British Policy
The aims of British policy in the new situation can be outlined as follows:
(1) The creation of a front composed of all the moderate parties: United National party, Popular Congress party, People's Political party, Sons of the South Union, etc. A joint committee has already been constituted to reform the electoral procedure on more ‘liberal lines. (2) Preparation for another election to install a more "agemooratio" council as a concession to mass pressure, (3) The opening of talks to achieve internal self-government for the Southern Arabian Federation by the ond of 1964, (4) A less rigid policy and other concessions to head off the: possibility of revolutionary outbreaks seeking complete self-determin~ ‘ation. (5) Stabilization of the situation, (By granting internal selfgovernment to the Southern Arabian Federation, the hope is to prevent Aden from joining Yemen, A union between Aden and the Yemen would lead to rapid liberation of the whole of Southern Arabia, ) Demands of the PSP The demands of the Peoplets Socialist party are as follows: *- {1) Opposition to ‘the London constitutional talks. conduoted behind the backs of the people. (2) Release of all political prisoners. (3) An end to martial law and the Emergency regulations. (4) Acknowledgment of the unity of the Yemen (Yemen. and Aden). " Inmedia ate independence," (5) Abolition of the imposed legislative council in Aden and he federal council. (6) A general election in Aden and the sultanates under super~ vision of the United Nations and the Arab League, (7) -The unconditional withdrawal of British military forces. (8) The removal of all imperialist military bases. The Leadership The Aden trade-union leadership was in the past influenced to a certain extent by the British trade-union movement with which it had many links, Following the Yemen revolt, however, it developed a more militant attitude, Quite a section of the leadership are of petty~bourgeois origin
or mentality. They are grouped around Ali Salem Ali, vice-president of the PSP (brother of Mohamed Salim Ali who resigned as minister of social work following the Declaration of Emergency).
In assessing the situation, the relative smallness of the population of the Aden Port Area (which is the main center of the struggle),’ surrounded by backward federal sultanates, must be taken into account.
The leadership of the PSP in the past supported the Baath movement. (Arab Baath socialist party) ideologically, but following the recent events in Iraq have moved into opposition to them, The PSP + leadership are also critical of Nasser and dislike his regime. How-~ever, they do not attack him in public, as they need his help.
_ A. sector of the PSP leadership agree with leading trade unionists that the only solution in the Arab world will come through a workers! ‘leadership prepared to carry through a program of socialism and Arab unity. However, they express strong opposition to a Marxist or Com- "". munist orientation, (In the main, this hostile attitude is due to the _' grave' mistakes of the Stalinist parties in the Arab world and in pe arti-~ ' gular their opposition to Arab unity. ) - Big Possibilities
- The struggle of the trade unions in Aden must be supported uncon~ , ditionally, The success of the present struggle can lead to great - @hanges in southern Arabia and give added impetus to the Yemen revolu- ‘-.tion. For the first time in the Arab world, a struggle is taking place ‘which is led in the main by the trade unions, solidly based on the > - proletariat of the Aden docks, 7 The movement enjoys the overwhelming support of the workers, the -youth and the women, The women have participated in great numbers in ~ ‘the events following the December 11 arrests, joining in demonstra- tions and hunger strikes,
Despite relatively small forces the Aden proletariat can act as an important vanguard element in the Arab revolution, There is, how- ‘ever, some danger of bureaucratism due to the presence of petty~ bourgeois elements in the leadership, This danger must be guarded against during the coming period,
NOW HIT ME ON THE OTHER CHEBK
‘The Greek Communist party, which condemned the Chinese recently because of their "attacks," among other things, “against peaceful coexistence," as advanced’ by Khrushchev, showed what they meant January 19 when’ they announced they will support the capitalist party of former. Premier Goorge Papa ndreou in the February 16 elections, . . Papandreou resigned in December because he refused to accept prof~ fered Communist support and could not get a majority without it.