Chilean-style "New Frontier" was delineated as the result of the first major victory registered by the Christian Democrats in Latin America,
Continuing the method used in his election campaign, Frei did not spell out his proposed policies (he promised to reveal his first important measures after the end of November); at the same time he sought to indicate his orientation by taking a stand on certain issues, , .
First of all, he did not seek to emphasize governmental continuity but, on the’ contrary, stressed the break with the past which this experiment represented. "We are crossing a border," he said, “in which one historic epoch is ending and another is being born. And to characterize the import of his policies, he did not hesitate to add: ."I represent a generation formed .in a new orientation and a new philosophy which gained office after thirty ‘years of hard and implacable struggle." In addition, he ended his discourse with a strong appeal to his popular following: "It is my right and. duty. to ask the real ranks of the people, the workers, the miners, the peasants, the ordinary people, the Chilean women, the youth who, just as they struggled for victory, are accompanying me now to make _ sure that we do not end up with the old proverb, 'You lifted me up to the heavens and abandoned me to the winds.!"
In foreign policy, Frei reaffirmed his desire to establish diplomatic relations with the workers states, very clearly projecting a move in this direction in the oratorical language of the occasion: "I also salute from this tribune the peoples of the socalled socialist world, whose dramatic human adventure is to be welcomed, Other peoples are aware of it and it would be blind of us not to recognize it. . " In addition, he said little in general about the ideological “aifferences and stressed the necessity of recognizing. reality and avoiding any discrimination in foreign policy. However, it is necessary to add that the new Chilean regime displays no intention of establishing relations with East Germany (its ties with Western Germany are too important to allow such an attitude) or of soon revising the decision of the Allesandri government to break relations with Cuba. ("These problems," Frei told the press in referring to Cuba, "must be examined by the. nations as a whole, in the light of new facts.")
Besides. this the new president repeated his criticisms of the existing inter-American and Latin-American political and economic
organizations, insisting on reforming them and on the need for the economic integration of Latin America, -Nor did he overlook overtures in the direction of the so-called nonaligned countries, alluding especially to the Algeria of Ben Bella (from whom he has received an invitation for a visit).
On domestic policy he repeated the main themes of the Christian Democratic election campaign, speaking among other things in his inaugural address about the need for widening the educational system and reorganizing it, and about the need for a housing program to improve the shocking conditions affecting wide sectors of the population, in the cities as well as the countryside.
In addressing the peasants, Frei said: "T stand for increasing ownership of the land by the peasants and against concentration of the land by a minority. I am for a fair income and wages for those who work’ in the fields and for rigorous enforcement of the laws passed in their benefit."
In the area of industrial policy, Frei likewise referred to his general line in which he advocated increasing Chile's national participation in exploiting the great mineral resources of the country. <A few days later his Minister of Mines indicated that the aims of the government .in relation to copper production are an "increase in production, greater government participation, more refining of the ore within the country, smelting on a bigger scale and greater government participation in marketing operations." Here in concrete terms is Frei's famous "Chileanization.
The inaugural address, finally, did not overlook another current slogan of "Freism"™: democratic: rights for everybody and opposition to any kind of ideological, religious, racial or political discrimination, including a noticeable allusion to the rights and the role of the unions and their autonomy in relation to the state,
Aside from the ideological and programmatic proclamations, it is clear that a very important change has occurred with Frei's coming to power. It is an elementary fact questioned by no one that this is in essence a bourgeois government. But the formula is new and it is correct to say that the power will not be wielded as before; that is, directly by a sector of the ruling class itself, ‘Frei is not -- at least at this stage -- the direct representative of either the oligarchy, the financial circles, nor the merchant bourgeoisie. Enjoying rather wide popular support and the sympathy of sectors of the industrial bourgeoisie and the middle classes in general, his role will be to preserve the basic capitalist structure of Chilean society through at times complex means and balancing acts that can appear contradictory. In the findl analysis, his strength resides precisely in the possibility open.to him of maneuvering between the various social layers. He could at one turn appeal to the populace in order to impose measures distasteful to the conservative bourgeois sectors and then mobilize the conservative bourgeois
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forces in order to resist too great pressure from below. He could perform a similar balancing act among’ the layers of the owning . classes. in the field of foreign policy, he could act in analogous fashion: the establishment of diplomatic relations with the workers states and a bid to the "third" world would give him room for: maneuver in relation to American imperialism, This could be widened. by skillful exploitation of the interimperialist conflicts. (Chile could play at least in part the card of closer ties with Gaullist: ‘France or with Western Germany. ) ae In all circles in. Chile the possibility is being discussed ‘of. the Freist experiment succeeding, if only partially. The conelusions, naturally, are as diverse as the interests, hopes and fears of those voicing an opinion. In general, however, the inclination in bourgeois’ circles, including the non-Freist, 1s to consider Frei's try as the last chance for "democracy" in face of "Marxism-Leninism" or "totalitarianism." In left-wing circles, on the other hand, the prevailing tendency isto forecast failure, even’ within the near future. a pte It is certain that’ Pret. enters office in difficult objective *-conditions, above all on the economic level. In a recent article, El Mercurio, by far the most authoritative Chilean daily, observed that the country's economy was undergoing a phase of prolonged stagnation, the tendency in the most recent’period being toward aggravation of this condition. In fact, after the rather favorable results from 1960 to-1962, the increase in. production in 1963 barely matched the growth in population, particularly in agricultural production (with the result that food products. had to-be imported, thus limiting available foreign exchange recently).
The evolution of the balance of payments was also negative and the national debt has reached towering heights so that the cost of retiring the debt and interest charges are absorbing a growing proportion of the funds received from abroad (20% in 1962 and 37% in 1963). ° It is not surprising under such conditions that the effort at monetary stabilization ended in lamentable failure. In BOL, the cost: of living increased 45% and prices went up more than 50%.
Frei spoke about the seriousness of the situation, referring to "burdensome financial obligations abroad"; and, naturally, he had every interest to add that this situation could not be changed "in a -day, a month, or a year."
It should be added that within the framework of a "reformist" policy such as Frei advocates; that’ is, a policy that does not aim at fundamental structural changes, substantial and rapid foreign aid is an absolute necessity for any improvement whatsoever. In the first place, as the new president did not fail to stress, the government's immediate nieasures 5 hinge on the possibility of arranging payment of the foreign debt.
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: Nevertheless certain favorable factors should not be underestimated. Frei-won the September elections by a quite wide margin and there is no doubt that he was supported by wide sectors of the populace, including workers, The left suffered a hard blow and from several angles finds itself in a rather critical situation. It is possible that Frei will strengthen his parliamentary position in the March elections and that his party will succeed in gaining additional important unions, if not the CUT [Central Unica de Trabajadores | as a whole. From the viewpoint of American imperialism, in the years since the victory of the Cuban Revolution, it is difficult to visualize.a more encouraging situation in Chile, It is logical to calculate that Washington will do everything possible, in all fields, to assure success for the Frei experiment. — ,
All this indicates that a difficult period is opening for the ‘Chilean workers! movement -- not difficult in the sense of the movement having suffered a crushing defeat in which the objective situation makes impossible a counteroffensive for some time, but in the sense that the foe is proceeding to organize a new system of defense, enjoys a certain amount of popular support, and is drafting a new orientation, All this calls for deeper analysis if a strategic and. tactical line is to be worked out to fit the period now opening. It is true that recognition of the bourgeois character of Freism is a prerequisite, since any attempt to palm off this basic fact could open the door to the disastrous formulas of class collaboration, But it is not less true that it is impossible to limit oneself to repeating this truth and counting on the easy and rapid erosion of — Freism. Thus the problems of specific tactical oreintation have — acquired first-rate importance.
"DEMONSTRATIONS CONTINUE TO