Background Article
THE CRISIS IN THE AUSTRIAN SOCIALIST PARTY.
VIENNA -- Last spring Die Kronenzeitung, one of the city's “yellow papers opened a campaign against those leaders in the Austrian Socialist party known to be hostile to Franz Olah, likewise a leader of the Socialist party and at that time Minister of the. Interior.
Die Zukunft, the theoretical magazine of the party, answered in its way by opening a public discussion on Olah's methods. Party ideologist Karl Czernetz contributed an‘article “Leadership Problems in Democracy." He stated that:in.the Austrian Socialist party no-. body could become a "leader" if: only because most of-the party. members hold deep convictions against the appearance of a “leader.,"
This article was mild in. tone. It was followed. by a contribution. from Minister of Justice Christian Broda, "The Socialist - Party Is Not a 'Leader's! Party." This openly and veolentiy attacked Olah, denouncing him asa por eye as lacking in ideology,.a "practical" given to pseudo: radicalism, -a man ready: to use "administrative" methods against opponents, a person who would not stop even at use of the. police. “Neither Stalin nor Mussolini nor. Pilsudski. would likely have: achieved their aim," Broda wrote, "if their methods had been: openty and. publicly. opposed while there was yet time." . :
“Olah himself did not answer these attacks. But Die Kronenrettung continued its campaign against the SP. leaders hostile to him. inally, after a violent debate in the party leadership, it. was decided to stop. the discussion in Die Zukunft.
In reality this dispute over personalities stemned from deep differences among the leaders of the Austrian Socialist party.’ These involved not only the issue of a "leader cult" versus. a "collective. leadership" of bureaucrats but key policy questions.
In this respect it is worth taking into account the bourgeois analysis of the conflict. Voiksblatt, the daily paper of the Austrian Populist party (the main party of the bourgeoisie) published an. article entitled "Dirty Campaign Against Minister Olah," that stated: "One of the main reasons for the fight inside the Austrian Socialist party is the struggle of the Austro-Marxist wing, which is friendly to Communism, against Franz Olah, _ Who could be said to ) Tepresent the moderate’ wing. ;
The other bourgeois party, the Austrian Liberal party also strongly favored Olah, Light is cast. on this position by the fact that Olah is known to have favored switching from a "big coalition" (the SP and the Populist party) to a "little,coalition" (the SP and ‘the Liberal party). This despite the fact that the Liberal party,.which represents the interests of West German capital in Austria,
has many links with neofascist elements and points proudly to a . former Nazi minister as the founder of its tradition. When Olah was chairman of the Austrian Trade Union Federation, he even gave. this party 1,000,000 schillings ($40,000) out of ‘the union treasury for its election fund.
It is true that Olah's enemies in the SP ‘leadership do not foster principled class polities-or even Austro-Marxism, They are wholeheartedly for coalition politics and regard a "little coalition" with the Liberal party as a mere tactical question. As parli- = amentary cretins they see no other alternative to a “big coalition" — with the Populists than a “little coalition" with the Liberals,
' The fact is that the "big coalition" has been -in an impasse since the last general elections in 1962°and in an acute crisis over the possible return to Austria of Otto of Hapsburg (the. pretender to the throne). The representatives of the two class forces, the Socialist and Populist parties are less and less able to maintain » their fifteen-year-old balancing act. In the Populist party, the extreme right wing has taken over the leadership. This clearly showed the SP that the bourgeoisie again wants. to wield all power in the state. It wants to decide all the pending questions in domestic and foreign politics in its own'class interests.
“It should be noted, however, that the bourgeoisie faces a powerful obstacle in the road -- the real relationship of class forces is still unfavorable for such a turn, Notwithstanding the opportunism of its leaders, the working class remains militant, it has powerful organizations "which are ready to oppose any attack against its vital interests.
Differentiation within the Socialist party leadership had: -. become inevitable, For more than a year sharp political discussions | have flared. The trade-uhion leaders are against the “little coalition." They rightly fear a rise in the influence of West German capital which could threaten the strong positions of the trade unions and the workers in the big nationalized sector of industry. §
After much hesitation and vacillation, the Socialist party trade-union leaders decided a few months ago to form a temporary political alliance with the Broda group against Olah and his followers. When party chairman Brune--Pitterman’saw his position threatened, he joined the alliance.
The Broda group is now defending a policy which it calis "the socialist alternative for Austria." Broda formulated this “alternative" as follows in Die Zukunft: ,
"Socialists must be prepared in both the domestic and foreign fields. to conquer political leadership in Austria, and must say this publicly. Evolution socially ¢ and politically is ripe for such a development,"
Broda himself does not rule out the possibility of a "little . coalition” with the Liberal party and holds that this party has become a “positive factor." He does not at all-include in his formula the concept that the Socialist party could conquer leadership in the country only by mobilizing the working class in revolutionary action.
When the conflict inside the Socialist party leadership reached explosive proportions and Olah was forced to resign as Minister of the Interior, something completely new in the history ‘of the Austrian working class happened. Mass sentiment unquestionably favored Olah, A demonstrative strike in his favor and against the party leadership broke out. Why did this happen? .
The workers don't grasp: Olah's’ real politics. To them he looks like a radical working-class leader who knows how to bang: his fist on the tarle when necessary and how to speak up. strongly: against the party leadership. It must be said that he knows how to grab the spotlight and push others into the shadow.
The reasons for the pro-Olah sentiments among the masses can be summarized as follows:
(1) ‘General diseontent among: the workers has risen quite high. The workers want more vigorous policies.against the class. enemy. . . a .
. (2) The rift. between the masses and the Socialist party. leadership, which has been deepening for some time, is now public knowledge. The demonstrations refute the theory of vulgar Marxism which holds that people are generally content in the "affluent" society of today. There is no lack of explosive material despite the capitalist “prosperity.”
(3) The masses were indignant over the official lies through which the party leadership sought to cover up their differences, The workers do not want: to be constantly "manipulated" by the *olite." They want to know the truth. They want to be taken seriously by their own leaders, Ce ~
(4) Coupled with these progressive tendencies, however, one must recognize something that could have.reactionary consequences, the petty-bourgeois desire for a "leader" capable of "solving" all problems in an authoritarian way.
Since Franz Olah's forced resignation, the crisis in the Socialist party leadership has not been alleviated. . Instead it has extended throughout the Party. oe
In Lower Austria, the ‘second biggest province. of the country, the party organizations as well as the factory workers are nearly one hundred per cent behind Olah. Preparing for the. provincial elections, Olah runs from meeting to meeting. He is received by the workers. with.tremendous applause. Party chairman Pitterman doesn't. show :
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up for fear of being thrown out bodily. The provincial party leadership also supports Olah. Should he be expelled -- at the moment no one has proposed this -- three socialist party cabinet members, Kreisky, Czettel and Rosch, would immediately resign in protest.
In Vienna the party membership is deeply divided, with many factory workers displaying sympathy for Olah, :
The monolithism of the Austrian Socialist party has been broken and a-bitter fight is on. If it ends with Olah “taking power" in the Socialist party, the left wing, which hardly exists as yet, will have its work cut out. Not only will it have to unmask Olah; it will also have to convince the Austrian working class that the need is not for a false "leader" but for a genuine revolutionary leadership opposed to opportunism and determined to guide the class ‘struggle exclusively in the interests of the masses.
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