ITALY'S "CENTER-=LEFT"” GOVERNMENT
By Sirio Di Giuliomaria.—
ROME <-- The birth of the new "center-left" government in Italy was hailed by the greater part of the national and foreign bourgeois press, A French newspaper went so far as to call it “a historical step." But declarations of praise and approbation cannot hide the real nature of this government and its prospects. -
Let us first clear away the most groundless and fantastic interpretations of the "center-left" policy, which have been advanced chiefly by the most reformist sectors of the PSI [Italian Socialist party].
According to these clever "theoreticians," the "center-left" policy is aimed against the monopolies and, to some extent, it can reduce their power, - It is aimed also, we are told, at accomplishing reforms, including a certain amount of economic planning, thus paving the way for a socialist development. last, but not least, they claim that it is a way to bring the working class into participation in leadership of the state,
A similar "analysis," backed by similar arguments, has been supplied by the PCI [Italian Comnunist party « While the PCI has never espoused the above theory as a whole, the leaders have maintained that monopolies can be eliminated without eliminating capitalism (Longo!s articles, for instance), The PCI also holds that a governmént coalition of the PSI and the DC [Christian Démocratic party, the party of big business] could be progressive and yield positive results,
However, consideration of the class forces, along with certain significant political events, demolishes this "analysis." It should be noted, first of all, that it is precisely the DC party and its present leadership that represent the interests of the big monopolies, To deny this is equivalent to affirming that the monopolies are not represented in the volitical leadership of the country and that they stand at the fringe of politics,
Next, it should be observed that. most bourgeois papers that speak for big business, either directly (for example, La Stampa, the Turin daily financed by FIAT). or indirectly, take a favorable view of the "center=left" formula, _ -
A minimum of common sense should lead to the conclusion that it is not possible to limit the power of giant monopolies by collaborating with | their political representatives, You cannot walk down the road to social~ ism hand in hand with the worst enemy of socialism, the bourgeoisie, More . than a century of working-class experience has shown nothing to the contrary.
We may also brush aside certain superficial aspects of the "center~ left" experiment, the claim, for instance, of the PSI leadership that _ through the DC they aim at an alliance with the Catholic masses while avoid~ ing at the same time forcing the DC into the arms of the right-wing: parties. (The DC leaders claim that their goal is to bring the PSI into the “democratic area," )
The "center-left" formula is essentially an operation promoted by leading sectors of the bourgeoisie who aim at improving and better defending their system by modernizing and rationalizing capitalism. The specific political formula varies. For _instance, the last Fanfani_ government, a -coalition of the DC, the PSDI [Social Democrats] and PRI [Republicans], claimed to stand on a more "advanced" program than the one proffered by. present DC, PSI, PSDI, and PRI government headed by Aldo Moro. This or that formula may offer better social "cover" or greater stability in parli« ament. The essential factor, however, must be sought in the answer to the following question: Which social class stands to gain most from the -experiment and which social class therefore has the strongest interest in promoting it? ay
The declared aims of the "center-left" protagonists and the program of the newly established government are most instructive in this respect. Pietro Nenni, who is participating in the coalition as a "socialist," issued a statement to the press December 5 in which he listed the follow+ ing target aims: ,
(1) Integral implementation of the constitution,
(2) Commencement of organic economic programming and the preparation _ of a five-year plan. — .
(3) Putting into effect, as quickly as possible, the reforms promised. in the program of the government. - oo:
The first two points are advanced by the Nenni Socialists as general propaganda. They are not even contained in the government program, Even if. they were carried out this would not alter the bourgeois character of the state, for Italy's constitution is basically bourgeois even if it does speak for greater political democracy. "Organic economic programming," it. should. be noted in passing, does not mean planning. Moreover, a government: that binds itself not to nationalize a single industry and to limit expenditures holds very poor instruments for "programming." In any case, even in their propaganda, these "Socialists" da not propose a single action that might put the capitalist system in danger,
Let us now turn to the program. Before the recent congress of the PSI was held, a group of "socialist-inspired" economists prepared a draft program to be sponsored by the PSI, The program aimed at solving the fol~ lowing problems: (1) Fundamental unevenesses, especially between the industrial North and agricultural South. (2) Difficulties in agriculture deriving from the exodus of farm hands and the need to shift from food production to pasture crops, (3) Backwardness of domestic commerce, (4) Difficulties in the building industry due to speculation in certain fields,
The means advanced to solve these problems always reposed within the capitalist system: an end to the irrational use of resources; greater hapmony in the economic development of the country as a whole; more expen~ ditures for schools, homes, scientific research, etc.; better equilibrium — in the distribution of income; incentives for rational industrialization of the South through state intervention as an auxiliary to "free enterprise":
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elimination of backward agricultural forms such as share-cropping, etc. The program reeked with preoccupation over not hitting profits too much, which might discourage investment, and constant references to E Holland, Sweden, Great Britain and the USA as models. =.
The essence of the program proposed by. these "socialist™ ‘economists is clear, The aim is a rationalized, modernized neo-capitalism. However, the leadership of the bourgeoisie will not carry out even this progran, moderate and neo-capitalist though it is. The reason is simplé. It would require sacrificing the interests of certain "backward" sectors of Italian capitalism on the altar of the general interests of the system, This would involve an internal conflict in the class which the bourgeoisie cannot afford at the moment due to the existence of mass organizations of the working class (unions, parties, etc.) which, though led by opportunist leaderships, would press forward at a display of weakness in the capitalist front.
‘That is why the actual teenter-left" government was formed on a far less "advanced" program than the one considered above. Agreement to this constitutes a major capitulation by the PSI. Of the problems raised by . the Socialists, only one is offered even a tentative solution -- some land may be expropriated for building purposes,
On the political level, the Socialists made such enormous concessions “as (1) Rejecting Communist votes on legislation, if they should happen to be. decisive in obtaining a majority, on the grounds that the PCI holds a position "strongly diverging on the big themes of freedom in society. and the state." (2) Proffering "loyalty towards NATO, with the political and military obligations thereof." This involves, as- * stated in the program, that. the government will continue negotiating for-a multilateral nuclear force. (3) Giving up any nationalizations whatsoever owing to the need "to. guarantee to businessmen the certitude of the fundamental economic elements in order that they may face no risks other than those deriving from the market," (4). Relinquishing any aim of placing a government commissioner at the head of Federconsorzi, an agricultural organization controlled by. the most reactionary and corrupt DC elements.
What are the prospects for such a government? They are not bright, It faces immediate political difficulties, The left wing of the PSI, which has about thirty members of parliament and which obtained about forty per cent of the vote at the last party congress, states that it intends to oppose the government. when the first vote of confidence comes up.
The economic situation is not favorable, particularly in view of the continuing inflation. The big unions are preparing for action and this can prove troublesome to the government, particularly to its Socialist component. The international situation is another source of instability.
In the last instance the fate of the new government may be determined by the policies and activities of the PCI which still commands the loyalty of the majority of militant workers, A certain moderate shift has already occurred in reaction to the shameless capitulation of the Socialists and -under the influence of the PSI'ts left wing, some sectors of which are openly aiming fora split.
Some of the interesting signs include comments on the formation of . toenter-left" government in editorials written by Pintor, the co-editor of l!Unita, the Communist party paper, Ingrao, a member of the party's National Secretariat, an opponent of the Noenter-left" formula, although still on an opportunist basis, was chosen as reporter at the last session of the Central Committee. Ingrao was. supported by Natoli, at present the member of the Central Committee wno stands farthest to the left, See World Outlook November 8 for a report on how opinion was divided at the October session on this issue. ]
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