LIVING
On November 7 at Mannheim, 40,000 workers and public employees _ . responded to an appeal by the local trade-union federation [DGB to demonstrate publicly against the continual increase in the cost of living, This became the first of a series of demonstrations urged by the national DGB leadership, . 7
Since 1962 the workers in West Germany have been hit in two ways,. _ First, Minister of Economy Erhard [now premier] sought to impose "wage restraints" on the unions. Secondly, the prices of basic necessities accelerated upward. From October 1962 to October 1963 the following percentage increases occurred: -
Bread 6.70 Rice ~ 9,09 Milk 13,63
Tomatoes 44,27 Eggs '19,04 Pork cutilet 8,73
Prepared ham 8.9 Beer 15.84 Coal 8,62
Fuel oil 4,56 Rent 20,00
. fo add insult to injury, the government, unable to announce any , impending turn in this upward climb, imposed a supplementary contribution for sickness compensation, me
The tradeeunion leadership felt forced to react demonstratively. Their reaction was essentially defensive, The employers have been hammering away in demagogic and slanderous. fashion about the alleged "wage=price spiral." In face of this barrage, the reformist leadership drew back from pressing for significant wage increases and turned to the much "safer" — campaign of protesting rising prices, This was, of course, very popular not-only among unionized workers but even among less class=conscious workers, among housewives, pensioners and other low-income social layers.
The very success of this campaign, however, can bring new pressure to bear on the trade-union leadership for better answers to the "wage-price spiral" lies, It can touch off a new struggle for more than token wage increases,
The size of the Mannheim demonstration and its impact on the conscious~ ness of the German workers was all the more remarkable since it took place in a cold, driving rain and at the very same time that millions all over the country watched television as the rescuers saved eleven men at the Lengede mine disaster,
For the first time, not only the metal workers but members of tradi-tionally less militant unions marthed in closed ranks from their plants to the square where they were to assemble. These included brewery workers, workers from the river harbor and municipal employees. Many taxi drivers plastered their automobiles with posters and drove to the demonstration, The town's transportation system came to a halt for fifteen minutes and
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drivers and conductors distributed leaflets among customers appealing to. them to participate in the demonstration.
Preparations were excellent, much better than the metal workers strike some months ago which made such an impression in Mannheim, The trades council of the local trade-union federation set up an organization. committee. This committee assigned tasks, imposing a strict division of labor, The leaders of the Mannheim trade-union federation participated directly in this work, touring the plants and asking the workers to make sure to attend the demonstration, Wherever this was done the response was extremely high, Participation was lower in some of the plants where the > preparations were carried out in a routine or bureaucratic way such as merely sending out a few circulars a couple of days before the demonstration.
Propaganda alerting and appealing to the public was equally well ~ organized and impressive. Sandwich men marched through the main shopping center of Mannheim a few days before the demonstration, carrying posters ~ especially directed to housewives and suggesting to them the need to parti-~cipate in the protest against the rise in the cost of living. This met with a big response, . . ;
The last day before the demonstration, a long column of automobiles covered with posters and accompanied by a sound truck drove through all parts of the city, appealing to the populace to participate in the demon= stration. i
Many trade unionists, inspired by this activity, began initiating their own measures. Ina medium-sized factory employing 700, the boss for= bade the workers to participate in the demonstration, which was scheduled for three p.am., ordering them to work until 4:15. The secretary of the trade union with jurisdiction in this industry, on being informed, hastily drove up to the plant gates with a sound truck and spoke to those inside: for more than an hour over the loudspeaker, asking ‘them to join the demon«= stration no matter what the boss said and assuring them of the backing. of : the whole Mannheim trade-union movement,
The shop stewards remained hesitant and afraid. But more than ninety per cent. of the workers left the plant in time to get to the demonstration at three p.m,
"What the meaning of all this? What will follow next?"
. Itts an old experience to hear workers ask. this kind of question after a successful demonstration like the one at Mannheim. Much skepticism among. West European workers is due to their common experience that nothing real is done to follow up a success like this one. That is why Mannheim trade unionists and socialists are concentrating on demonstrating that this time things will be different and that a ‘big campaign will be launched to lessen the burden of mounting prices.
The unions must demand immediate cost-of-living allowances. If the employers. refuse to grant them, they must be included in the next bargain= ing round. Contracts should be made for a shorter time so as to make it
easier to make adjustments for price increases. Contracts must include either an esealator clause or a clause making them automatically void when prices have increased a certain percentage so that the union has a legal right to. negotiate, a new contract that will take into consideration the new price devel. -
At the same time a big educational campaign should be developed to show that these remedies are only of limited importance, that the economic system itself is what is basically wrong and that the only permanent solution lies in carrying. out the old demand of the Munich trade-union program -- socialization of industry!
The following is the text of an interview with Idris Mohammed Aden, former president of the parliament of Eritrea who is at present head of the Liberation Front of Eritrea, Idris Mohammed Aden headed a delegation _ which recently visited a number of European countries and which placed a petition before the United Nations.
Qe What is the aim of your ‘trip and especially your visit to the uxt
A. The Liberation Front of Eritrea is trying to do everything pos sible to bring the situation in Eritrea and the struggle of the .people of Eritrea before world public opinion. Up to now we have been victims of a veritable conspiracy of silence, Our appeal to the UN is explained by the fact that the federal constitution for Eritrea was decided on by a majority at the General Assembly of the UN itself,
Q What is the origin of your movement?
a Ae It is necessary to return for. a moment to the events following the war. In accordance with the peace treaty concluded between Italy and the Four Powers (U.S., USSR, France and Great Britain), the latter were to decide on the fate of Eritrea, a former Italian colony. When agreement proved impossible, the General Assembly of the UN made the decision I inentioned, According to this decision, imposed on the people of Eritrea without any democratic consultation, Eritrea was integrated into the Ethiopian empire with a special federal structure and quite important autonomous. rights, On paper, the government of Eritrea had legislative, executive and judiciary powers at home while the federal government undertook to handle defense, foreign affairs, the questions of finance, foreign trade and communications both internal and external. Eritrea was to have its own democratic constitution,
Q. What was the attitude of the Ethiopian government?
A- The Ethiopian government, in practice, completely ignored the principles of the UN resolution. In reality, the economy of Eritrea was subordinated to the Ethiopian economy; democratic rights were suppressed}; the federal system was nothing but a fagade, pure and simple, The Ethio-~ pian army, under the command of General Abe Ababe, stepson of the emperor imposed a regime of terror and pillage. All the symbols of Eritrea were
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eliminated and the two languages spoken locally, Arab and Tigré, were abolished as official languages. Hundreds of the inhabitants of Eritrea were killed or imprisoned without trial, Ethiopia, after having blocked © the functioning of the first Assembly of Eritrea and obliged its president -~ who is speaking to you now <-- to resign, held another election in September 1956 for an Assembly on the basis of rigged elections, In November 1962 the complete integration of Eritrea in the Ethiopian empire was openly proclaimed in flagrant violation of the UN decision.
Q- Concretely, what does the abolition of democratic” liberties which you referred to mean?
Ae The suppression of all political organizations and all trade-union > organizations, The only party that is permitted is a party favorable to. . the union with Ethiopia, composed exclusively of the priests and bishops _ of the.. Coptic church.
Q. What is the aim of your movement? -
A. Our movement expresses the profound aspirations of the people of Eritrea for independence. We remember that these aspirations were very strong at the end of the war and that the federal solution was imposed by terror and by all kinds of pressure. However, we were willing to try it out. Now the results are in and we are struggling for the independence of our country. We have asked the African states to form, under the auspices of the UN, an African committee to study the demands of Eritrea and the situation in. our country. The committee must be authorized to conduct a “democratic plebiscite,.
- You are not unaware of the fact that following a series of unhappy experiences, the most advanced African elements are not very much in favor of any more divisions among the African countries and that they support by preference unifying tendencies, Aren't you afraid that your position. might be considered as opposed to these unifying tendencies and be suspected of tribalism? . 7
Ae We are in agreement with the criticism of the progressive Africans -on the multiplication of tiny states -- since many of them were formed under the inspiration of French imperialism -~ and fragmentation in the Congolese way. But, in the first place, Eritrea, while being a small country, has, just. the same, more than two million inhabitants. In the second place, in its whole history Eritrea was never under the domination of —_ Ethiopia, Independent until the sixteenth century, it came under Ottoman sovereignty. until 1885, the date of tthe beginning of Italian domination, Finally, the structure of Eritrea, despite its backward status, is more advanced than that of Ethiopia, which has not ceased to be an absolutist feudal state in which forms of serfdom are still in force, The domination of the Ethlopian empire over Eritrea cannot thus be considered anything like a progressive unifying ‘influence.
“What is your estimate of Hailé Sélassié and the role he is play 7 ing a ” the current stage in Africa?
Ae Hailé sélassié wishes to present himself today as a partisan of
African unity and the whole world knows about his activity during the past year, We understand that it is often difficult for us to explain the reasons for a struggle directed in the first place not against European colonialism, but against an African state. However, things in themselves are clear.
. Hailé Sélassié is a despot of medieval style and the world cannot have forgotten the ferocity with which he stifled a reform movement a few years ago that was quite mild, Inside the country, he has to face an epposition that is very much alive, with whom we, among others, have established contact. ,
On the international plane, Hailé Sélassié is one of the most important points of support for American imperialism in Africa. Naturally he. has need of diversions to camouflage his real policies, That is why he wishes to show that he is moving with the times in playing the role of partisan of African unity. But nobody should be taken in on the real nature of his regime and his policies. . .
Qe ‘What are the forms of struggle used by. your movement?
“A. In the situation as it exists in Eritrea, where all legal possi-~ bilities have been completely eliminated and terror is exercized on a wide scale, you can struggle only in the underground, In actuality, our movement has been obliged to utilize guerrilla methods of struggle,
Q. What is the social composition of your movement?
- A. While our movement is followed with sympathy by wide social layers in the country -- as a consequence of the policy of national oppression applied by Ethiopia -- our forces are primarily peasats,
Q. What is the position of the worker sectors of the country?
“A. During the time of British administration, the workers had the possibility of organizing themselves in unions, but Ethiopia suppressed all rights of the workers, Despite this, big struggles have broken out. In 1957 there was a strike for six weeks against antiunion measures at Massaua and Asmara, The Ethiopian authorities used arms, killing or wounding 400 workers, Three hundred workers were. condemned to prison terms, Unions organized in underground form are among the most ardent partisans of our struggle.
Q.- What is the political orientation of your Front?
Ae We are struggling now for independence, As we see it, independent Eritrea will follow the socialist example of the Cuban and Algerian revolutions, We are meking an appeal. to the European workers! movement in order to assure ourselves of their solidarity, first of all by letting them know about the struggle which the revolutionary movement of Eritrea has already been conducting with its guerrilla forces and its underground fighters. November 29, 1963
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