The Iwelfth Congress of the PCI [Partito Comunista Italiano -- Italian Communist partyl, held in Bologna February 8-15, was faced with a series of highly important questions concerning developments both in the international Communist movement and in Italy. What is the position of the Italian Communists toward the Soviet Union after the Czechoslovak events? What is their attitude toward the incipient crisis of capitalism in Italy? How do they define their position toward the far left forces which have emerged primarily in connection with the rise of the student movement? How do they define the party's internal structures? And how far should they go in renewing the cadres in the leadership itself?
Differences on these questions nave appeared at all levels in the party and were reflected also in this confrontation of bureaucratic oligarchs, which is what CP national congresses are. Nonetheless, a composite line backed by a large majority was clearly projected. It was expressed especially in Longo's report and perhaps still more in the conclusions drawn by Berlinguer.*
Many commentators -- with their usual impressionism -- have dreamed up
"new left" to describe some of the term those who made critical remarks. Actually, these speakers represented residues of the "old" Ingrao left. But -- and this should be borne in mind -- the number of critical voices at this congress was not any greater than at the last one. None of the speakers (with perhaps one exception) reflected any firmer base of support than at the previous congress.
The new element was that with Ingrao entirely reabsorbed into the party establishment and with a situation having developed in Italy fraught with explosive tensions, Pintor, Natoli, Caand Rossana
Rossanda leveled more specific criticisms in their remarks. In reality, they were three years late in doing what they should have done at the Eleventh Congress in 1966.
But now, because of the inevitable implications, these views appear unac-
By Livio Maitan or even the sectors of the FGCI [Federazione Giovanile Communista d'Italia -- Federation of Communist Youth of Italy] which are more or less directly under its influence. This is the cause of the socalled new left's intrinsic weakness.
The bosses of the apparatus had no qualms about seating the exponents of these views even on the Central Committee. Their objective in doing this was obvious. They wanted to avert even limited schisms and show their broadmindedness. In fact, the "new left" will wield but very little weight in the day-to-day functioning of the party.
the right wing, which nas. incomparably deeper roots than the critical groupings on the left, was criticized by Longo for some of its extreme displays of factionalism. (Trivelli's group in Rome has gone furthest in such maneuvers.)* However, while it was not able to get one of its people elected to the rank of vice-secretary, the right wing nonetheless was satisfied with the basic line of domestic policy and in fact remains the preponderant component of the coalition which will continue to run the party. The essential victory for the right was symbolized by the homage which Longo paid to "Emilian concreteness"** in his summary.
But, more generally, the whole line of a peaceful and democratic road to socialism, of the fundamental values oi the republican constitution, of intermediate objectives -- that is, reformist gradualism, which has been taking shape as a theory since the Eighth Congress -- was strongly reaffirmed. Indeed a perspective of this sort -- in the form of a reconsolidation of democracy on a more "advanced" level than that attained in the immediate postwar period -- was projected as the solution to the country's social and political crisis.
Adopting such a perspective obviously entails closing the road to the left. In fact, all the major figures at the CP, expelled all criticallyminded left elements from the federation's leading bodies, including Natoli.
** Reggio Emilio, the province whose capital is Bologna, is the party's stronghold. Communists hold numerous positions of power in the local government apparatus and the right wing is most solidly rooted there.
At see interest the rer utionare toit
* Enrico Berlinguer was elected vicesecretary of the party by the Central Committee after the congress.
Copain
GENERAL SECRETARY LUIGI LONGO
the congress sought to minimize the importance of "extremism," that is, the explosion of antibureaucratic forces in the student movement and the working class. The few speeches at the congress which reflected the themes of vanguard groups were rejected out of hand.
At the same time, this perspective entails a polarization of interest toward the Socialists and a section of the Christian Democracy, whose participation is essential in the hoped-for new majority.
and toward all the preparatory operations deemed possible as of now (agreements on the local governmental level and in parliament).
The possibility of a governmental solution -- that is of the PCI's participating in a government or joining a parliamentary majority -- was hinted at now and again. But precisely on this point the congress did not and could not resolve a fundamental difficulty. Its perspective of "advanced" reformism cannot be put into practice except through communist participation in the government bloc. However, such participation seems more problematic and risky than ever at a time like the present. The Christian Democrats and their associates are not inclined to make concessions on the essential foreign policy points; and a course of the Finnish type* would leave the CP's left flank quite open. In the last analysis, the reef on which the PCI's touted realism irremediably founders is in seeking to propose a reformist reconsolidation in a situation of prerevolutionary tensions.
As for the party's internal organizational problems, the Bologna congress approved a line of cautiously renewing the cadres in the leadership and of displaying relative tolerance toward dissent. It should, however, be made clear that this tolerance is strictly dependent on accepting the rules of the game, which in practice restrict the opposition to Platonic criticisms. It is significant, moreover, that the only critics who, in a certain sense, express the views of a strong opposition on the federal level were excluded from the Central Committee.**
Finally, the manner in which the conress confronted the problems involving the ureaucratized workers states and the Communist movement expressed both the evolutior that has been under way for several years and the caution that has accompanied it. It is clear that owing to its composition, lts place in Italian society, and its strategy, the PCI must dissociate itself from the Soviet ruling group more and more. And if the much discussed reduction of the size of the apparatus really does take place, it will be an important step toward conforming to onerous material limitations.*** It is also clear that membership in the Communist movement is being increasingly conceived not as adherence to the ranks of a cohesive international formation but as participation in a kind of anti-imperialist united front.
The past, however, continues to exercise considerable weight. Ties still exist with the bureaucracies holding state power which it is not in the interests of the dominant group in the PCI to sever. This is the reason for the constant watering down of the PCI's criticism in the case of Czechoslovakia and the avoidance of the most urgent questions -- first of all, withdrawal of troops. This is the reason for the repeated declarations of a desire for unity in the world movement.
* The Finnish CP takes part in the government, following a moderate policy.
** For example, Caprara of the Naples federation. More than a third of the members of this federation belong to the left wing.
*** As a result of the worsening of its relations with the Communist party of the Soviet Union, the PCI has experienced a series of financial difficulties and has projected important cutbacks in the party apparatus (more than a third of the personnel being affected according to some indications).
Notes
* Trivelli, the secretary of the Rome federation of