[The following article appeared in the September 25 issue of Rouge, the weekly newspaper of the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), the French section of the Fourth International. The translation is by Intercontinental Press. J
In the September 12 issue of the French Socialist Party's journal /'Unité, Claude Cheysson, the minister of foreign relations, defined the "two principal aspects" of French foreign policy in this way:
"A certain view of man, which leads us to oppose all totalitarianism; and also, since we are unfortunately right in the main path where the two great powers confront each other, we are in the Atlantic alliance."
The conference of the main capitalist countries held last July in Ottawa clearly showed how the new leadership group intends to approach one of these "aspects." Like the other delegations, the group lead by François Mitterrand clearly lined up with Washington's demands, justifying the intensification of the arms race by "concern" over the "ongoing growth of Soviet power."
Alignment with Washington
This is not really surprising since several days earlier President Mitterrand had told the West German weekly Stern:
"If I condemn neutralism, it is because I believe that peace is linked to the balance of forces in the world. The installation of Soviet SS- 20 missiles and Backfire bombers breaks that balance in Europe. I do not accept this and I agree that it is necessary to rearm to reestablish the balance point."
But this orientation is not restricted to supporting the new bellicose views of U.S. diplomacy. For some time the Pentagon has been pressing the European states to massively increase their arms spending.
France under former President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, although formally outside of NATO, had been committed to this path.
By making preparations to build the neutron bomb, Premier Pierre Mauroy's government has committed itself to following its predecessor's path.
This policy leads to serious contradictions with the other Social Democratic parties in Europe. It has led Cheysson to publicly condemn the British Labour Party's program favoring unilateral disarmament. In addition, the chief French diplomat has openly called for Spain's entry into NATO, while the Socialists in that country are fighting the move. As Felipe González, leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) remarked, "To be more consistent, Claude Cheysson should also carry out a campaign in favor of France's reintegration into the alliance's military structure."
Finally, the French representatives at the September 10 meeting of the bureau of the Union of Socialist Parties of the European
FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND
Community caused the rejection of a motion by the Dutch party condemning the U.S. decision to build the neutron bombs.
At the same time, the French authorities have stepped up their noble-sounding declarations regarding the Third World. They have argued for the development of North-South relations, they have recognized the people's forces in El Salvador, they have condemned apartheid in South Africa. In the present context, such initiatives are in marked contrast to Washington's strategy and have undeniably positive effect. Nonetheless, they do not form a truly anti-imperialist policy.
"Planetary New Deal"
In the first place, Paris is trying at all costs to preserve the traditional spheres of influence of French imperialism, especially in Africa, against the U.S. attempts to gain control over that region. "We will be present in Africa," Mitterrand told Stern, "and will not allow anyone to decide to replace us in the role that our African friends expect of us."
That is why the French foreign ministry has done everything it can to reassure the local powers. French troops are still stationed in various countries. It is now certain that French Transall military transport planes based in Dakar, Senegal, carried the Senegalese troops during that country's intervention in Gambia in July.
In addition, under the terms of bilateral military cooperation agreements that have just been renewed, seventy-seven French officers and noncommissioned officers will continue to serve in Cameroon and fifty others will serve in Tunisia.
The second aspect of this policy involves reorienting French foreign trade toward new agreements with Third World states. This is the thrust of the "Planetary New Deal" that Cheysson spoke of at a recent conference of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
In doing this he intends to make it possible for French firms to occupy ground that present American policy runs the risk of leaving vacant.
In addition, the minister of foreign relations is asking that the East-West conflict not be steadily thrust into relations with the developing countries. "If one embarks on a very sophisticated arms race," Cheysson told /'Unité, "very soon these countries will no longer be able to make the necessary effort. They will then have to deliver themselves to whichever of the super powers will, directly or indirectly, furnish them the means they need."
In a word, Cheysson wants to prevent a tendency that could harm the interests of the less strong bourgeoisies, starting with the bourgeoisies of the European countries.
This policy has already yielded results. To take only one example, on August 12 India and France extended the contract that had been signed in 1977 by the French Petroleum Company for exploitation of the Bombay High oil deposit (14 million tons per year in 1984). In addition, negotiations concerning a contract to sell 200 Mirage-2000 warplanes has entered its final phase
In all this, what remains of this "view of man" that Cheysson spoke of? Very little, in that regimes such as those of India, Morocco, Tunisia, or Cameroon can hardly be taken for defenders of basic rights.