The following two articles by Alain Krivine, a leader of the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), the French section of the Fourth International, appeared in the May 15-21 issue of the LCR weekly Rouge. The translations are by Intercontinental Press.]
An immense hope has been born. The French workers have just won a considerable victory. They went through the 1968 general strike, and then years of struggles and battles, often carried out under difficult conditions, before they succeeded in defeating the bourgeoisie's parties and opening a new period.
The victory of François Mitterrand, who in the second round of the election had the support of all the workers parties and nearly all the unions, shows not simply that the majority rejected the policies that Giscard and the bosses have been carrying out for seven years. It also expresses a desire for radical change, a desire to do away with a society that exploits and oppresses the workers.
The LCR threw all its forces into this battle. From the beginning of the campaign we explained that Giscard could be beaten. At that time there was still deep skepticism on this point as a result of the wildly sectarian policies of the Communist and Socialist parties and the union federations.
LCR members everywhere intervened in such a way as to rebuild the workers' confidence, to organize the struggle against the disunity of the workers movement, and to help build a powerful unity current. For example, LCR members participated in the movement for unity in struggles and later helped build a powerful force for unity in the trade unions.
We knew that, because of the policies of the CP and SP, the defeat of the right in the elections would not resolve all the problems. But we were convinced that it would give the workers new confidence, that it would create a new, and much more favorable, situation for the growth of workers mobilizations and the achievement of workers unity in struggles.
Our analysis was confirmed by the explosion of joy that greeted the election results on the evening of May 10, and by the fact that CP leaders felt they had to attend these demonstrations. It was further confirmed by the new tone that the CP leadership is using.
Following this initial victory, the desire for unity is more powerful than ever. After having been demonstrated in the voting booths, we began to see it in the streets.
Millions of workers feel that now anything has become possible. But they still need the means to make sure that this first victory sets the stage for further ones, to make sure that our hopes are not betrayed again. Because of the failure of the May 1968 general strike and the 1978 legislative elections, there is a real feeling of distrust of the CP and SP leaders. Millions of people are wondering what guarantees there are that this time things will turn out better.
The only guarantee is the organized strength of the workers, their unity, their own initiatives. In a month new legislative elections will take place. Already the right, which was thrown out the door in the presidential elections, hopes to use the legislative elections to get back in through the window. It is important now that everything possible be done to make sure that the workers parties win a majority in parliament so they won't have any excuses for not carrying out the demands of the workers and the people. With this majority in parliament, the CP and SP must form a government composed of their two parties alone.
The regime elected May 10 must immediately commit itself to protecting the workers against the blows of the bosses by supporting urgent demands like increasing the monthly minimum wage to 3,400 francs and freezing all prices on basic necessities.
To insure that the bourgeoisie has no respite in which to maneuver and export its capital, the workers should also demand the immediate departure of Giscard and the formation, in the briefest possible time, of a government whose task would be to satisfy the most immediate demands and to prepare the ground for a workers victory in the legislative elections, especially by democratizing television news coverage.
Alongside all these forces, the LCR will fight against any inclination toward class collaboration by the government. It will also demand the immediate formation of a government made up exclusively of the CP and SP, without any bourgeois ministers. The workers must demand that this government begin to attack the real power of the bosses by carrying out the radical measures that the current situation demands-especially the thirty-five hour workweek without any cut in pay.
Unity-the unity of the workers-will develop in these struggles against the bosses and the rightists, against all their attempts at sabotage. For example, the bank workers and their unions must be vigilant in confronting the present flight of capital. They will have to keep a close watch on all suspicious transactions, and publicize any discoveries of capital flight.
To carry out all these measures effectively, the workers can only rely on their own strength. They will have to discuss their concrete demands in united general assemblies. Mitterrand proposed drawing up a balance sheet of the seven years, but who is better able to draw up a balance sheet of the situation in the factories and the most pressing needs of the working class than the workers themselves?
The workers know what they want. They will not give anyone a blank check. We must develop the means to discuss, debate, and act in a united way. And the conditions have already matured for this united strength to be organized into united committees of vigilance and action.
The LCR addresses itself to the thousands of workers who have participated with us in the battle for workers unity and the battle to get rid of Giscard. Together we have just won an initial victory. We know very well that this victory is still fragile, that the bourgeoisie is still in place, with its hands on the levers of
New Political Situation in France New Political Situation in France political and economic control. CP-leader Georges Marchais and newly-elected President François Mitterrand are not ready to really confront the bourgeoisie, as is shown clearly by the CP and SP maneuvering over the up-coming legislative elections.
You have been able to judge the LCR's role in recent battles. Today the LCR faces immense responsibilities because the decisive battles still lie ahead. For these battles to be successful there has to be a powerful revolutionary communist organization, rooted in the workplaces.
The time has come for you, in turn, to assume your responsibilities by joining our ranks. The May 10 victory can lead to others. It can lead to the victory of socialism.
how to deal with all aspects of the political situation, and is able to avoid both opportunist and ultraleft temptations.
Being totally realistic, we maintain that although in 1968 we did not have sufficient forces to play a decisive role in the outcome of the movement, today the situation could be different. But if that is to be the case, in the shortest time possible the thousands of workers who have been actively involved with us for months or years must take a step beyond being in the League's periphery. They must join and accept their responsibilities as well. There's not going to be a more favorable situation, a more opportune time, a time when it is more indispensible that they join.
The LCR still has many shortcomings. But we will correct them together. We know that the League's relative weakness is often an obstacle to workers who are sympathizers but want to wait until we are a more credible force before they join. This vicious circle must be broken now. The LCR will be what the workers, youth, women make of it.