Fourth International Publications

The International’s English-language periodicals: World Outlook, Inprecor and their companions, 1958–1994

For a Boycott of the Francoist Trade-Union Congress!

Intercontinental Press vol. 14 no. 13, 5 April 1976 · p 557 · 1,070 words

Where this article begins and ends was found by machine from the page layout and has not yet been checked against the scan. The printed pages are in the scanned issue at themilitant.com.

Spain

[The following is an editorial scheduled for publication in issue No. 43 of Combate, the newspaper of the Liga Comunista (LC-Communist League), a sympathizing organization of the Fourth International in Spain. The translation and footnotes are by Intercontinental Press.]

1. The recent mobilization of hundreds of thousands of workers has confronted the fascist Sindicato! with the most serious crisis in its history.

Its attempt to divide the workers by the way it signs contracts-preventing them from expressing any of their trade-union rights to strike, meet, and negotiate freely-has been answered by the broadest mobilization of the workers and people since 1937. In defiance of the verticalist union structure and anti-working-class legislation, the working masses have gone ahead to hold assemblies and strikes, huge gatherings and demonstrations.

They have elected committees, subject to recall, to lead the struggle and carry out direct negotiations with the bosses. They have strengthened the workers commissions.

Despite the fact that the Francoist union structure is tottering, it continues to stand, blocking the establishment of strike committees, direct negotiations, and free assemblies. All of this is ascribable fundamentally to the desperate efforts of the "unitary democratic slates"? to subordinate the workers struggles to CNS channels.

The changed relationship of forces brought about by the workers mobilization creates conditions more favorable than ever for the workers struggle. In face of the mortal weakness of the dictatorship, it enables the workers to establish de facto legality for their organizations. It shows the need and possibility for the working class to break out of the framework of the fascist CNS apparatus and begin the process of building their own trade union.

This process will take place through assemblies of all workers in each factory who want to be unionized. It will take place through constituent congresses on a local level and by nationality-moving toward a general constituent congress.

In this process we Trotskyists will

Si Adicalista (NS Natioha Federation otional defend the perspective of a single trade union of the workers-democratic, with the right to form tendencies, and independent of the bosses, the state, and the church.

1. Another name for the Central Nacional dicates), the Francoist trade-union structure.

2. The dictatorship is fully aware of the crisis of the CNS. It knows that its own existence depends on maintaining the verticalist union structure, and it is desperately trying to prolong the life of the CNS. It is escalating its demagogy in an effort to refurbish the image of the fascist tradeunion structure. It speaks of "broadening the autonomy of the professional organizations," but on the basis of maintaining intact the entire hierarchical machinery and chain of command. As the consummation of this maneuver, Martin Villa? is preparing the farcical spring congress of the fascist trade union—an open provocation to the aspirations of the working class.

Nor does the alternative offered by the PCE* meet the needs of the workers. Carried away by its alliance with the capitalists, in the trade-union arena it prefers to sign a pact with the "progressive" supporters of the Francoist trade union, a pact that maintains the fundamental aspects of the hierarchical trade union rather than dismantling it from top to bottom.

This orientation was the one proposed by the General Coordinating Committee of the Workers Commissions in its "manifesto on trade-union unity." There it called on the top leaders of the Francoist trade union "whose activity in the CNS has not been a pretext for gaining privileges and soft jobs" to facilitate "the creation of democratic trade unions with the least possible trauma and confrontation."

3. The fascist trade-union congress is a maneuver to maintain the verticalist tradeunion structure. It represents an absolute denial of workers trade-union freedom and all their trade-union rights. It is a full-scale attack that requires the most forceful response.

Out with the congress of the Francoist trade union!

Down with the CNS!

Trade-union freedom!

For a trade-union constituent congress in which the workers decide what kind of union they want!

These demands should serve as guidelines for the broadest possible boycott of the fascist congress. The workers should organize massive assemblies in which they denounce the congress and speak in favor of the kind of trade union they want. They should resolve to hold generalized work stoppages, and to organize and centralize massive demonstrations in the streets.

They should call on all the honest delegates to the Francoist trade union to from the "unitary democratic resign slates." This is a basic condition for incorporating themselves massively in the drive for a constituent trade-union congress, giving decisive impetus to this response to the dictatorship's provocation.

The General Coordinating Committee of the Workers Commissions, encompassing all political tendencies within the workers commissions (Euzkadi Coordinating Committee of Workers Commissions, Barcelona Local, and so forth), should take the initiative now to hold a general meeting with the UGT and USO, with the aim of encouraging and paving the way for a joint campaign to mount a massive boy. cott of the CNS congress.

The workers commissions, which are indisputably the organizations with the most influence in the workers movement, because of their role as a unifying and independent force, bear responsibility for carrying out this fundamental task. At the same time, this task must be accompanied by a determined effort on the part of the ranks to rebuild the commissions. Taking advantage of the tremendous possibilities opened up by the struggles, the workers commissions should propose and make efforts to integrate the UGT and USO, guaranteeing them the right to form tendencies. In any case they should coordinate activities within each plant at all levels with these trade-union organizations.

4. This is the historic responsibility that today falls on the shoulders of the parties and organizations of the working class. There can be no excuse for not carrying it out. This is the task of all workersmetalworkers, bricklayers, bank workers, teachers, sanitation workers, and othersand it should meet with the entusiastic support and solidarity of the youth and all the oppressed.

Political Bureau of the Liga Comunista

Notes

2. Slates of candidates consisting of representatives of the workers commissions that participated in the June 1975 CNS elections.

3. D. Rodolfo Martin Villa, minister of tradeunion relations.

4. Partido Comunista de España (Spanish Communist party).

5. Unión General de Trabajadores (General Workers Union, the Social Democrats' tradeunion arm), Unión Sindical Obrera (Workers Trade Union, part of the Asamblea Democrática de Euzkadi-Euzkadi Democratic Assembly).

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