Santiago
JUNE 22— With the paradoxical strike by the copper miners of El Teniente serving as the starting point, the past week has seen an increasing unfolding of mobilizations by the left and the right.
The paradox of the Teniente strike lies in the fact that although it is a strike in which the workers are struggling for demands that defend their standard of living in the face of the runaway inflation that is plaguing Chile, from an early stage it was branded a "fascist approach" by practically the entire left (mainly the Unidad Popular [Popular Unity], and to a lesser extent the MIR [Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria - Movement of the Revolutionary Left]). This was a godsend for the right, which in October had already experienced how dangerous it was to confront the working class as a whole, but which now has an opportunity to divide the workers by supporting this and other conflicts condemned by the UP. There is no doubt that this right-wing maneuver is facilitated by the lack of sufficient political clarity among certain sectors of the working class, such as the miners, who, by not vigorously exposing the rightist ploy, are isolating themselves from their class brothers.
Within this confused context stands out the clear position of the Partido Socialista Revolucionario (PSR — Revolutionary Socialist Party), Chilean section of the Fourth International, which is denouncing the ploy of the right and showing how reformism is aiding the right by qualifying the struggles of the workers for their demands as "fascist." Unfortunately, the smallness of the PSR's forces makes it impossible for it to bring its position to large sectors of the working class.
It was in this atmosphere of confusion that the march of the striking miners to Santiago last week took place. This was used as a pretext for the right, including fascist bands, to mobilize, claiming that they were taking to the streets "in support of the miners." The UP played into their hands by attempting to halt the advance of the miners and by calling on the people to prevent these workers from "taking over the government house." Fortunately, there were few clashes between workers because the miners acted only in a defensive fashion. Those who were really very active were the fascist bands.
Confrontations occurred throughout the entire downtown area of Santiago, where tear gas hung in the air. In one of these confrontations, Nilton da Silva, a Brazilian revolutionist, was murdered. Da Silva had been forced to leave his own country by the monstrous repression with which the military dictatorship defends its existance. Nilton da Silva was a member of the MIR in Chile, and fell as a new Che Guevara, a symbol of proletarian internationalism.
His death stirred the masses of the left with indignation, and his funeral was a vigorous demonstration of a determination to struggle. The right called attention to the fact that he was a foreigner as proof that "there are foreign agitators." The UP tried to obscure this fact. The MIR, fortunately did single it out, mainly through one of its speakers, who spoke "in the name of the foreign members of the MIR."
Street incidents continued in Santiago and other cities during the following days, one of their prominent features being attacks by fascist groups, which assaulted the headquarters of left-wing political groups and carried out other armed attacks.
The show of strength by the right reached its high point with a demonstration "in support of the miners" that attracted around 80,000 persons.
Along with this, in the parliament the right moved to censure three ministers, and the National party declared in the pages of El Mercurio [a major right-wing daily] that "in the light of justice and morality, no one is obliged to respect or obey a government that has ceased to be legitimate." Its next move was to call on Congress to "consider the illegitimacy of the activity" of the government.
In response to this rightist escalation, the CUT (Central Unica de Trabajadores — Workers Central Union) found itself forced to call a strike and a demonstration for June 21.
Anticipating that the mobilization would be a success, the right had the foolishness to call for a "strike of Chile" against the government for the same day, urging people "not to leave their houses," and "to present the picture of a lifeless city."
There was unquestionably nothing lifeless about Santiago yesterday, with hundreds of thousands of demonstrators winding through its streets. Huge columns from the Vicuña Mackena Cordón and other sectors gathered in the hotbed of reaction - Providencia. One could not tell whether the rattling of windows was the result of the deafening voices of the demonstrators or the trembling of the terrorized parasites inside their homes.
Thus the working class defended its gains, among which it included the government that it had put into office.
Together with unenthusiastic chants like "No to civil war," and "I stand in line but, no matter what, I am sticking with the UP," could be heard other, more vigorous chants, like "If the parasites want war, that's what they'll get," "How do you prevent or win a civil war? By struggling and creating people's power," and "Create, create a popular militia."
About one million persons gathered in Constitution Square and the adjacent streets in the biggest demonstration in recent years. In spite of the transport strike, there were many people who came from outlying suburban shantytowns. Unlike earlier demonstrations, this time workers came with their work vehicles - tractors, trucks, garbage trucks, etc.
Large crowds also took to the streets in other cities.
Allende and Godoy, president of the CUT, spoke in a much less lukewarm tone than at the May Day demonstration. Among other things, Allende had to pick up on the chants for "creating people's power," but he did so by explaining that this should not be done in contradiction to the government. He threatened to ban Patria y Libertad (Fatherland and Freedom) and to bring to trial the leaders of the National party because of their seditious manifesto.
Godoy spoke of the need to centralize the distribution and supply of food.
The UP press is reprinting Godoy's speech, but not Allende's. It could be that he said something that was not in the script in response to the gigantic chorus with which the entire crowd greeted his speech. "Firm Hand! Firm Hand!" they roared. The criticism appeared to strike home, because he began by stating that he had never used a gentle hand, and later on he said that his was not a reformist government; yet he mixed this up with charges that the right had "branded [!] his government as Marxist without respect to the military ministers."
Repeated appeals for people to remain calm did not stop the masses from stoning the headquarters of Patria y Libertad and the Catholic University.
A large number of the demonstrators carried clubs or "spears" without attempting to conceal them.
The reviving of the masses of the left can also be seen in the occupation of various ranches by peasants in Maipú, near the Cerrillos Cordón; the take-overs were supported by the workers in the zone.
It is also worth noting that the Vicuna Mackena Cordón is becoming more active.
In addition, El Mercurio was suspended from publishing for six days.
[An appeals court invalidated the closure, enabling the newspaper to resume publication on June 23, after not coming out for one day.]