Santiago
The events that have taken place since the recent changes in the cabinet indicate that a strengthening of the right wing within the government and the governmental coalition is continuing.
The Central Committee of the Socialist party held a plenary session March 28-31. Nothing spectacular came out of it, but it did unquestionably represent an advance for the party's right wing. To be sure, general statements were reiterated on the need to "stimulate and strengthen" the "new class organizations forged in the heat of the struggle," a reference to the cordones industriales [bodies of representatives of workers in a particular industrial area, the municipal commands, etc.; to the effect that the "people's power must continue to develop institutional forms that differ from those of the bourgeoisie and that in certain circumstances make possible the expression of opposition to bourgeois power"; on the deepening of revolutionary transformations; on the need to correct bureaucratie deviations; etc. Nevertheless, it is generally understood that all these statements were made only to soothe the party ranks and the left wing of the leadership, represented by the eternal conciliator, Carlos Altamirano.
The general tone of the plenum was marked by such statements as that "the popular government is the main instrument for continuing to move forward," that the development of the mass organizations must not hinder the government's action but help it, that "Popular Unity fully continues to be the political alliance that will make possible a deepening of the revolutionary transformations," and that "the Socialists continue to view their alliance with the CP as the basic axis of Popular Unity."
If we compare these statements with the atmosphere prevailing in the party in January and February, we can see a rapid retreat from leftist positions.
At that time, mass mobilizations were unfolding around the direct distribution of necessary goods, in addition to the powerful mobilization by the workers (especially the Cordón Cerrillos) against the Millas plan, in which the CP economies minister proposed returning to their owners many of the companies that have been intervened. These mobilizations applied so much pressure on the SP that there was open talk about a split in Popular Unity and the formation of a more militant left-wing front that, in addition to the SP, MAPU [Movimiento de Acción Popular Unitaria - Movement for United Popular Action], and the Christian Left, which are in the UP, would include the MIR [Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria - Movement of the Revolutionary Left] and other smaller revolutionary groups; this would have constituted an open break with the CP and the other lesser groups in the right wing of the UP- the Radical party and API [Acción Popular Independiente- Independent Popular Action].
These illusions evaporated with the latest SP plenum. Moreover, among the resolutions before the plenumread, ironically enough by Altamirano himself - one stands out. Toward the end, it stated: "The party takes a positive view toward the significance and importance of holding a National Congress of Popular Unity that will take a fundamental stand on the concrete application of the program, and the platform that complements it, in each front and in every part of the country." There can be no doubt that if this congress is held, it will unquestionably be under the auspices of the CP and Allende, and any agreements that are reached will revolve around how to meet the mass movement head on in close alliance with the Christian Democracy and the armed forces.
This consolidation of the right wing in the SP was reflected in changes in its Political Committee. Although these amounted to nothing spectacular that might provoke a split — Altamirano remains secretary general, for instance - two pro-Allende figures, both graduates of the governmental apparatus and both softened by their tenure, were gently eased into the committee. They are Hernán del Canto, former government secretary general, and Rolando Calderón, former minister of agriculture. Another important addition is that of the right-wing cabinet member Clodomiro Almeyda.
The groundwork has now been laid for a triumph of the right wing in the next party congress, all the more so in view of the scattered state of the left and the absence of an organized tendency•
If the plenum of the SP turned out to be less heated than expected, the Communist party plenum, also held at the end of March, unfolded in the usual touching atmosphere of angelic harmony•
There was some mention of workers' participation in managing the factories, which has been going on for some time now, and of other "revolutionary" topics. But the main theme and axis of the plenum was the "battle for production." The CP is not concerned about leaving a major part of the economy in capitalist hands. As the masses are struggling day after day to increase their power in the countryside, in production, and in distribution, it is getting to the point where the CP is not only putting a brake on this struggle, but is actually fighting it. It is doing this by putting forward as its main slogan, the exhortation to produce more: "The main thing is and will continue to be to increase production and productivity in copper, in mining as a whole, in industry, and in agriculture in order to increase exports, reduce what we need to import, and to reach the point where there is an abundance, not a shortage, of consumer goods on the domestic market."
The CP is understood to be pleased with the coup that was recently carried out inside MAPU and with the progress made by its friends inside the SP. New attacks on the left are being prepared.
Another sign of the strengthening of the right that is presently occurring within the government coalition is the fact that once he received confirmation as head of the National Office for Food Distribution and Mar-
General Alberto Bachelet keting, proceeded to clean out the left-wingers.
In line with his stated aim of "implementing a new plan to rationalize distribution," he asked for the resignations of the directors and assistant directors of the state distribution agencies. It is rumored that military men will be appointed to fill these posts.
The general director of the Graham Agencies, Sergio Juárez, offered resistance: "Concretely, with regard to your request that I resign my post-which was from the outset an inadmissible and legally ineffectual request - 1 am complying by notifying you that, in accord with instructions that I have received and in compliance with an elementary disciplinary duty, I am informing the Socialist party about this matter."
this matter.
Graham Agencies has taken some of the most audacious measures with regard to direct distribution. It enjoys the sympathy of popular sectors, such as marginal shantytowns and cordones industriales. Bachelet had already removed its director once before, but mass pressure forced him to relent and appoint Juárez, who has followed the same approach as his predecessor. It appears that Bachelet now feels that he is in a stronger position and is attempting to strike a heavy blow.
The Socialist party rejected the path that Juárez had chosen, and Allende stated in a speech that "it must be very clearly understood that it is only the government that can determine which officials should retain their posts and which ones, for reasons that, moreover, need not be explained, must be changed."
War has also been declared on "tomas" [take-overs, occupations): The first act of the new minister of the interior, Gerardo Espinoza, after taking office, was to state that no more tomas would be permitted.
The "toma" is a form of mass mobilization used by various sectors: The workers take over factories, the peasants take over land, students occupy high schools, squatters take over distribution agencies, and everybody takes over roads, blocks avenues, etc.
Up to now the "People's Government" had not moved directly against this form of mobilization, which is not directed against it. With the naming of the new cabinet, it began to do so.
The tomas continued after the minister of the interior's speech. Allende himself felt the need to speak out, and on April 3 he devoted an entire speech to attacking the tomas and directing threats at the workers' and people's movement.
The tomas are still going on, however, a breach has opened up between the masses and their reformist leaderships, and the UP is beginning to appear to the masses as a defender
British Industrialist Released
Retired Rear Admiral Francisco Aleman, kidnapped on April 2 by Argentine guerrillas belonging to the BRP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo - Revolutionary Army of the People), is in the process of being tried by his captors. This is the opinion of most observers following a spate of conflicting reports in the press in mid- April.
The evening paper Crónica reported April 13 receiving a three-and-a-hal!- page letter from the ERP on the Aleman case. The paper published only a portion of the letter, however, and in such a way as to leave the reader somewhat confused. The message appeared to suggest that Aleman had been executed. Following publication of the report in a late edition of Crónica, the Buenos Aires daily La Opinión received a telephone call from someone identifying himself as a member of the ERP. This person claimed that there was an error in the message and that reference to Aleman was in fact a reference to Colonel Héctor Alberto Iribarren. This may have been a prank call, however, because Iribarren was kidnapped and executed by the Montoneros, not by the ERP.
The news reports to the effect that Aleman had been executed turned out to be false. On April 15, a letter from Aleman was found in the bathroom of a bar. The text was as follows:
"I am in good health, and as l said in my earlier message, l am being treated well.
"My hand is still weak, but it's getting a bit better.
"I want to deny news reports stating I have been executed that I was informed of today.
of the rights of the bourgeoisie. The police attack using clubs and tear gas and leaders of the tomas are arrested and put on trial.
The battle against the tomas has begun but it has still not been won. The popular movement recognizes that it must become better organized.
"I am being submitted to a revolutionary trial.
"I still believe in you and send you a warm embrace."
The signature, according to the April 16 weekly international issue of La Nación, was "a bit illegible." Aleman's family, nonetheless, was able to verify that it was indeed written by him.
The ERP statement to Crónica also reportedly contained the following response to the appeal by President-elect Héctor J. Cámpora to the guerrilla group to cease their activities: "Our organization will not attack the new government as long as the new government does not attack the people or the guerrilla movement."
La Opinión reported in its April 18 issue that the news media had also received a statement from the Peronist guerrilla group, the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación (FAL - Liberation Armed Forces), Peredo Comando, in response to Cámpora's plea. The newspaper published excerpts of the message. "Today we revolutionists are continuing, arms in hand, the long process that has barely begun -the revolutionary war for socialism," it stated. In another section, it noted that "today, as yesterday, we state that with the use of arms we will win. For, as Che showed, there will be no liberation without a struggle."
Meanwhile, the British industrialist Francis Brimicombe, president of the British American Tobacco Company, was freed April 13 after his company paid an undisclosed sum as ransom. He was kidnapped by four unknown persons on April 8.