Santiago
The major political event in the last week of March has been the change in the cabinet. It marked a milestone in the sharpening of class contradictions in the country and the reflection of these within the Unidad Popular ruling coalition. However, the new ministerial team shows that the shifts in the government's policy will not be as deep-going as some had hoped.
The outgoing cabinet was the product of the October crisis caused by the bosses' strike, which provoked a strong response from the working class. As will be recalled, on that occasion, although the government could have based itself on the mass mobilization of the workers that was defeating the strike, it preferred to come to an understanding with the right, making concessions limiting the independent dynamic of the workers and people.
One of these concessions was incorporating the heads of the three armed services (the army, navy, and air force) into the cabinet. Among these, General Carlos Prats, the chief of staff of the armed forces, came in as minister of the interior, thereby assuming the chairmanship of the cabinet and the post of vice-president (he served in fact as president during Allende's trip abroad). Two representatives of the workers (the general secretary of CUT [Central Unica de Trabajadores -- Workers Central Union] and a peasant leader) were also brought into the cabinet at that time, but this could not cover up the government's capitulation.
The right understood that while the military officers' remaining in the government offered them guarantees, it also caused them problems. If they attacked the government, they would also be attacking, like it or not, the military men, who were losing their image as "impartial arbitrators." Since the working class has not been crushed, it was impossible for the minister of the interior to restrain, as effectively as he would have liked, the push of the masses toward direct distribution of scarce items. Nor could the minister close his eyes to the excesses of the rightist groups. Moreover, the right could not claim that the March 4 elections were fraudulent.
These examples show why the right needed the military men out of the government and why they themselves wanted out.
La Prensa, the Christian Democratic daily, noted: "In a prolonged meeting in the middle of last week, the Council of Generals decided to call on President Allende to meet four demands. Failure to do so would mean that the men in uniform would leave the offices they held. The demands included the right to maintain effective surveillance of the armed groups; the end of the executive's use of legal loopholes to institute social reforms; and taking a technical and nonpolitical approach to the questions related to food supply.
"Because of the pressure to which Dr. Allende is being subjected by extremist groups, it was not possible immediately to accept the demand about armed groups and to establish a new foreign policy orientation. A 'deal' was made on the question of food supply that involved maintaining General Alberto Bachelet in the post of general secretary of supply. As regards the executive's use of loopholes, it was agreed not to resort to this at least in the early period of the new cabinet."
It is clear from this "secret report" given by the Christian Democrats, with the agreement of the military, that the officers could not dream that Allende would be able to grant such fantastic demands, given the present conditions of the class struggle in the country. They realized that at this time the best course was to leave the cabinet.
The "official" reasons given, of course, were more diplomatic. In his speech, Allende noted the tasks the former cabinet had been appointed to accomplish. "The first was to enforce respect for legal norms and authority. To maintain order in the economy, which meant putting an end to the strike. To maintain public order, which was threatened by subversion. To guarantee democratic process in national affairs and, most fundamentally, to make certain that the elections would be held -- as they were this March, with the strictest neutrality on the part of the government. Furthermore, we assigned this cabinet the task of assuring the continuity of the process of revolutionary transformation, in accordance with the political program of the government and in the context of democracy, pluralism, and freedom.
"I can say with profound satisfaction that the cabinet has accomplished all the difficult tasks that were demanded of it. ...
"The cycle that began in October culminated politically on March 4."
Then Allende read the following letter of resignation by the cabinet: "The recent parliamentary elections, whose result showed a strong vote for the sectors that support the government's program, at the same time constitute an excellent occasion for Your Excellency's closest collaborators, the ministers of the cabinet, to leave you freedom of action so that if you see fit you can, in accordance with your constitutional function, form a cabinet representative of the political reality expressed in this significant civic act."
While it is true that the right wing of the Unidad Popular was not able to afford the luxury of getting in some Christian Democrat or "independent" intermediary as a minister, the new cabinet reveals a clear consolidation of this wing in the government. The sharpening conflicts between the left and right inside the UP make this fact all the more evident, which in turn is increasing tensions.
The present composition of the cabinet is as follows:
Four right-wing Socialists: Clodomiro Almeida (Foreign Relations) and José Toha (National Defense) were in the previous cabinet. Gerardo Espinoza (Department of the Interior) and Pedro Hidalgo (Agriculture) have been added. Espinoza is said to be to the right of Allende.
Three Communists, all of whom were in the previous cabinet: Luis Figueroa (Labor and Social Security), Jorge Insunza (Justice) and Orlando Millas (Economics). The latter was the author of the notorious "Millas Bill" that provided for returning some intervened plants to their owners. It was energetically rejected by the working class.
Three Radicals: Jorge Tapia (who remains as minister of education), Humberto Martones (shifted from Land and Homesteading to Public Works), and Anibal Palma (who takes the post of general secretary of the government).
Two "left independents": Arturo Girón (Public Health) and Luis Matte (Housing and Urban Affairs). Both were in the previous cabinet.
One member of the Izquierda Cristiana [Christian Left], Sergio Bitar, has been included as minister of mines. He is the least representative figure in this small party in the left wing of the Unidad Popular.
One member of the API [Acción Popular Independiente -- Independent People's Action], which is in the right wing of the UP, has also been brought in: Roberto Cuéllar (Land and Homesteading).
The one MAPU [Movimiento de Acción Popular Unitaria -- Movement for United People's Action] member remains: Fernando Flores (Treasury).
The reason for this kind of cabinet was to give the appearance of "pluralism" in the Unidad Popular. However, as was noted, the Izquierda Cristiana minister does not reflect the views of his group. Moreover, keeping Flores in his post was very significant. This represents Allende giving his blessing to the right wing of MAPU which, under CP prompting, recently staged a coup d'etat against the party leadership elected at a congress not long ago (see Intercontinental Press, April 2, p. 368). Thus, the UP right has quietly solved the difficult problem of recognizing the usurpers in MAPU.
The formation of this cabinet clarifies and sharpens the conflicts between the masses and their leaderships, heightening the crisis of the UP. The next important chapter in this process will probably be the congress of the Socialist party, on which the dynamic of the workers and popular mobilizations will have a decisive impact.