Boycott the Apartheid Regime!
DECLARATION OF THE UNITED SECRETARIAT OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL
The protests by South African students and parents against the use of Afrikaans as the language of instruction in the schools and the massive demonstrations in solidarity with them by black Africans have exposed the brutality of the apartheid regime and shown the world the desire of the African masses to end the racist oppression they suffer. The Fourth International denounces the barbaric murder of more than 150 unarmed demonstrators by the apartheid regime. This brutal crime once again reveals the true nature of this regime and the apartheid system it perpetuates, a systematic denial of all political rights to the black and "colored" people of South Africa, the overwhelming majority of the population, in order to maintain the superexploitation of black and "colored" workers in the interests of imperialist and white South African superprofits.
The struggle of South African youth for their elementary democratic rights — including the right to an education in the language of their choice — is an integral part of the struggle of all black and "colored" Africans for full democratic freedom, symbolized by the demand one person one
The Fourth International calls for a vigorous campaign of international solidarity with the struggle of black Africans against the Pretoria murderers and their imperialist backers, BOYCOTT SOUTH
AFRICAN GOODS, SHIPS, AND AIRPLANES! NOT ONE GUN, NOT ONE PENNY OF AID
FOR PRETORIA! SUPPORT THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF THE AFRICAN MASSES!
d the bureaucratic degeneration of the Communist Innational. e history of the left" in South Africa has proven that bstituting the "struggle for socialism" for the struggle r full democratic rights is nothing other than a racist ppression of the latter struggle. There is no road to cialism other than the completion of the bourgeoismocratic revolution and, equally, there is no road full democratic rights other than the social revoluan. It is not an exaggeration to say that foreign and mestic white "socialism" was and remains an arm of perialism and Herrenvolkism in South Africa. This is ay united fronts in South Africa have excluded the hite "socialist" parties as well as the white bourgeois ies (but not the CP, inasmuch as It was nominally part the "liberation movement"). On the other hand, the ited fronts have included the petty-bourgeois "coled" African People's Organization, the African Nanal Congress, which is mainly African, and later, ring the brief Sharpeville period, the anti-Communist in- Africanist Congress, as well as the Indian Congress, sed mainly on the merchant class in the Natal, proded these organizations accepted the exclusion of e Liberals from such fronts. The Non-European Unity ovement (NEUM) itself held negotiations with the dian Congress on this group's entry into the NEUM, ovided it would accept these principles: a) nothing less than full democratic rights beginning th the full franchise, that is, no special deals for e merchant class at the expense of the Africans and her oppressed non-Europeans; b) non-collaboration, that is, no special Indian or her "representatives, " boycott of the Bantu Affairs partment, Coloured Affairs Department, projected vate" without racial discrimination of any kind. July 4, 1976
Asian Advisory Board, local Advisory Councils, "multiracial" Liberal bodies, "tribal" chiefs, and the rest of the gamut of racist institutions of indirect rule. The dividing line is not between "socialist" and "non-socialist" but between collaboration and non-collaboration with imperialism and its agents, inside and outside South Africa. The fruits of this struggle may not ripen soon, Imperialism will try to hold on in South Africa to the very end, for the reasons listed above. Events will be decided by the class struggle within South Africa, and not by developments in Rhodesia, Angola, or Mozambique, which are ambivalent in their effects on South Africa. There will be a mighty armed intervention by imperialism, a mighty resistance, and a victory for the non-European oppressed. But the domestic class struggle will decide things only in a terse international context, which is not a matter of indifference for the course of the permanent revolution in South Africa. The workers of the imperialist countries are moving toward an upsurge of the proletarian revolution. They can finish what the colonial toilers have begun and can in turn open up new social revolutions in the semicolonial countries. The international solidarity of the proletariat in the imperialist countries will be decisive for the revolution in South Africa, where the imperialists will certainly intervene directly. Precisely because South Africa is, as Trotsky put it in 1935, both a "white dominion" (imperialist) and a "slave colony," it may well require an assault on both systems in order to create adequate conditions for the non-European oppressed toilers to explode the racial powderkeg in South Africa.
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Below is the second, concluding installment of Comrade Wu's analysis of the current political crisis in
China. The first installment appeared in the preceding issue of INPRECOR (No.55, July 8, 1976.)