government and the LDP are now trying a holding operation, doing their best not
JAPAN to reveal the names of the "high officials" involved in the bribery, to conceal all the materials in the name of defending the secrecy of the investigation, and to attempt to ride out the storm. They are trying to divert popular attention from the Lockheed scandal to the question of the government budget for April 1976-March 1977, which is now under debate in parliament, arguing that a delay in the budget legislation damages economic recovery and is thus harmful for the entire population. But popular anger is deepening and this anger prevents the opposition parties from making a cheap compromise with the DP government around the Lockheed affair. The situation triggered by the Lockheed revelations has now reached a new stage. The central question now is the question of a new government, and the LDP is unable to take any decisive initiative on this point. The Miki government is virtually sure to fall. The working class faces the choice of whether it will bring down the Miki LDP goverment through massive direct action and struggles for a workers and peasants government or whether it will accept a parliamentary solution to the crisis through the dissolution of parliament and a new general election. All the opposition parties, including the traditional workers leaderships, are utilizing the explosion of popular anger precisely to force Miki to resign or dissolve parliament. They insist on remaining within the limits of "parliamentary democracy." What are the opposition proposals for a new government? The Socialist party calls for a "caretaker government of all the opposition parties to prepare for general elections. " The Communist party proposes a caretaker government of the SP, CP, and Komei party (a petty bourgeois Buddhist party), excluding the DSP (Democratic Socialist party, the right-wing Social Democratic splinter party), a government that would hold out the possibility of accepting "dissidents" of the LDP. Thus, the SP and CP propose to form a cabinet whose task would
Corp. affees to protest the trading firm's reported into affair. 20 be limited to organizing general elections in order to defend parliamentary democracy. The Komei party criticizes the SP for this policy and complains that the composition of the caretaker cabinet proposed by the SP is not sufficiently clear and definite. The Komei party's orientation, however, is quite clear and definite: It calls for a center-left bourgeois government composed of Komei, the DSP, and a right-wing faction of the SP, excluding the CP and holding out the possibility of a bloc with the LDP. For the Communist party, the "caretaker government for general elections" is a tactical step toward a popular-front government based, of course, on bourgeois parliamentarism. The DSP and the Komei party stand foursquarely for a bourgeois center-left government. The SP, which stands midway between the CP and the DSP-Komei bloc, wants to gather together all the opposition parties in an eclectic manner, while the rightwing faction of the SP, led by Eda, a vice-chairman of the party, has rebelled against the party leadership and supports the DSP-Komei orientation. In spite of the differences among these parties in the parliamentary opposition, they all form a de facto united front to prevent the working class from developing actions to overthrow the Miki LDP capitolist government. The SP and CP leaderships fear that the immense energy of the workers in the annual spring campaign for wage Increoses may break through the wall of parliament. The SP and CP do not try fo mobilize the workers in their fundamental economic struggle to overthrow the capitalist government, fully utilizing the explosion of popular anger around the Lockheed scandal. The intentional separation of the workers struggles in defense of their economic interests from the struggle to overthrow the capitalist government through a campaign against the Lockheed bribes confines the economic struggle to the limits of trade unionism and economism. If thus deprives the workers' economic struggle of its perspective, making the annual spring campaign a bleak one. As o result, the Sohyo" is increasingly inclined to avoid a confrontation. ". The weight of the right-wing trade-union bureaucracy in the heavy industries has thus tended to increase. On March 24 the pro-imperialist trade-union bureaucrats of Domei** and the IMF-JC (International Metalworkers Federation- Japanese Commission, an international federation coordinating rightist unions in steel, shipbuilding, heavy machinery, automobiles, etc.) formed a Com*Sohyo is the left trade-union federation, the majority of whose leadership is Socialist. It is strong in the public sectors, such as the national railway, the postal and telephone system, among the teachers, etc. **Domei is a right-wing trade-union federation that is strong in the private industrial sector. Politically, Domei supports the DSP.
mittee to Discuss About New Japan, Politically, these union bureaucrats support the formation of an SP-DSPKomei bloc with a center-left orientation. in the trade-union movement they bureaucratically cooperate with the bosses to oppose the workers' efforts to defend their economic interests. On March 25 Domei shamelessly stated that it favored rapid approval of the government's 1976-77 budget. (At the time, the opposition parties were boycotting the parliamentary debate on the budget; the budget was adopted on April 9 by a majority composed of the LDP and DSP.) The tactical line of the Sohyo during the present spring campaign is two-sided: first, to prevent any confrontation with the government and the bourgeoisie, and second, to push forward demands centered on problems of the system of management and company structure (demands for "structural reforms" on the railway, for example). Even after the Lockheed revelations and the decisive crisis of the Miki government, the Sohyo leadership has obstinately continued to follow its original reformist tactical line for this year's spring campaign. In spite of the government crisis, the Sohyo leadership never tries to make use of the situation to mobilize the workers for a direct intervention into the political situafion. As far as the campaign around the "system-structure" demands is concerned, a series of actions beginning in late 1974 and the last public workers strike in defense of the right to strike did not win any serious gains for the workers, and the first half of this year's spring campaign will offer the same lesson. For such a reformist campaign to be at all effective, three conditions would have to be met: 1. Capitalism would have to have room to grant concessions. 2. The bourgeois government would have to be stable enough politically to deal with the demands. 3. The bosses and the trade-union bureaucrats would have to have established close cooperation. The end of the period of rapid economic growth has removed the first condition. The Lockheed scandal has demolished the second, throwing the Miki government into crisis; and the 1975 spring campaign, along with the November-December 1975 strike of public employees in defense of the right to strike has blown up cooperation between the bosses and the union bureaucrats. Thus, there is no realistic base for such a reformist campaign for demands around the management system and company structure. In fact, the reformist orientation is going so far as to say: "The unions will force the workers to accept sacrifices, so the capitalists and their government should also accept some sacrifices. " As for wage increases, during this year's spring campaign, the Sohyo leadership has from the very outset declined to take any initiatives. Its tactic is to have the big rightwing unions win some wage increase on a class-collaborationist basis and then have the unions of the public employees put pressure on the government to accept the same increases for the public sector. Thus, we are now facing a very contradictory situation. The LDP government is in serious crisis, but at the same time the bourgeoisie and the government believe that they can maintain their strong stand against the workers throughout the spring campaign.
Buraku eague demonstration But it is quite clear that the workers themselves are moving toward a "Lockheed spring campaign" and a course pointing toward the overthrow of the government. The workers, who had been deprived by the reformist leaders of any political perspective af the beginning of this year's spring campaign, have been activated by their anger over the Lockheed scandal, and their offensive feeling is on the rise. There have been many and vast actions by the machineworkers union, by SohyoChuritsuroren, * and by the SP-CP-Komei against the Marubeni trading company and the right-wing boss Kodama (Marubeni and Kodama have been directly implicated in the Lockheed bribes). All these actions, as well as other similar local actions, have stimulated the militant feelings of the workers. On March 19 some 50,000 young trade unionists gathered at a moss rally called by Sahyo's youth coordinating committee. These young workers assembled under the slogans, "Denounce the Lockheed bribery," "For a general strike, " and "Down with the Miki government." They criticized and denounced the official reformist line of Sohyo in the spring campaign. The young workers are now tending toward full-scale struggles. The aim of the Sohyo leadership in initiating the anti-Marubeni campaign was to use the Lockheed revelations within the limits of economism. But the young workers and other militant layers are becoming convinced that the working class should take a decisive initiative in a fight to overthrow the government. "Without a definitive fight against the Lockheed bribes, no 1976 spring campaign is possible" - that is the slogan that expresses the consciousness of these workers. Our revolutionary current must stand at the head of the "Lockheed spring campaign. - The central slogan in our propaganda, agitation, and organization is "Combine the anti-Lockheed bribery campaign with the workers" Fight to defend their economic inter*Churitsuroren is a third trade-union federation, which stands between Sohyo and Domei; ordinarily it makes a united front with Sohyo. If upholds "genuine" trade unionism and has its main base in the electrical workers union.
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JAPAN ests! Overthrow the Miki capitalist government with a general strike!" In all the factories, shops, and neighborhoods, we are against the SP, CP, and Sohyo leaderships, who intentionally separate the anger and actions against Lockheed from the workers' struggles for wage increases, against layoffs, and against the financial exploitation of the popular masses. We must fight for the combination of the two into a working-class strug gle to overthrow the government. But the fall of the Miki cabinet is now only a matter of time and the question of the new government is thus central in the present situation. Therefore, the slogan "Down with the Miki capitalist government" is not enough. The working class most also pose the question of a new government. The whole process ground the Lockheed bribery has revealed not only that the capitalist system is deeply corrupt, but also that the bourgeois government and parliament cannot clean up this corruption. We must arm the masses with the idea that the workers have to build their own government with their own forces in order to lift the veil of secrecy that now covers the bribes. The guilty parties must be exposed and a popular trial must We must call for a government that cleans up bribery, defends the living standards of the toiling masses, and nationalizes all key industry under workers control. Such a govemment must publish all materials relating to the "high government officials, " all the secret diplomacy, and all the business secrets of Marubeni and other companies involved. Such a government must oppose layoffs and wage cuts by introducing a sliding scale of wages and hours. Such a government must oppose the capitalist restructuring of administration and industry and nationalize all key industry without compensation and under workers contral. The workers must control all the shops and facfories. Against the massive layoff of railway workers and the large fare increases on the railway system. For uniform nationalization of all transport systems. (Besides the national rail system, there are also local private railways, both public and private bus lines in the urban areas, etc.) Nationalize all the banks and insurance companies in the interests of the workers and farmers.
Nationalize all key manufacturing industries.
Such a govemment must immediately and unconditionally recognize the right of the public workers to strike.
It must guarantee the strengthening of the political unity of the working class and its alliance with other oppressed popular masses.
We counterpose such a government to any sort of centerleft capitalist government or class collaborationist popdrop their call for a "caretaker government for general ular-front government. We demand that th: SP and CP elections. " We demand that try break all their ciafions with the bourgeoisie and its state power and begin the working-class struggle for a workers government.
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IV We demand that the SP, CP, and Sohyo leaderships form a united front to or rthrow the Miki capitalist government through the forces of the workers and other oppressed popular masses, a united front open to all militant currents and groups and to all the popular masses. We must pose the formation of this united front in all factories, shops, and districts, We must work to form district united-action committees to fight against the Lockheed bribes and to defend the economic interests of the workers and other masses. We must begin to build district-level action groups for the general strike. The formation of these district-level united-action committees is extremely important in realizing the general strike to overthrow the Miki government and in fighting against bureaucratic control of the national united front by the reformist leaderships. We must actively prepare the militant ranks of workers in the shops and factories to prevent sabotage by union bureaucrats. We must assemble militant worker activists for a confrontation with the bourgeoisie and its government in the shops, factories, and districts. Only united initiatives by these militant worker activists con strengthen the working masses and build rank-and-file organs of mass struggle. The struggle of the Japanese working class to overthrow the capitalist government and to form its own government can deal a deadly blow to the Park Chung Hee military dictatorship in South Korea, When the Japanese working class advances in its powerful struggle for its own government, the South Korean workers and peasants will move closer to their own general uprising against the military regime. As for the Buraku masses (Japanese "outcasts, "an oppressed minority), when they join the workers struggle to overthrow the capitalist government, the Buraku liberation movement will make a big advance in its fight against the discriminatory policy of the bourgeois state power. Concentrate all demands and struggles in the fight to overthrow the Miki government! For a government that will implement all the demands of the workers, peasants, and other oppressed popular masses! Denounce the Lockheed bribes! Victory to the workers spring campaign!
Down with the corrupt capitalist government! Down with the Park military dictatorship! Support the March 1 declaration of the South Korean opposition ists! Overthrow the Miki government with an unlimited general strike and massive demonstration at parliament! Form the workers united front against the Lockheed bribes.
for defense of the economic inferests of the workers, and for the overthrow of the capitalist government!
Against the caretaker government for general elections!
For an anti-imperialist and socialist government of the workers and peasants!
March 25, 1976
THE JUNE 1976 The basic aim of the 1976 budget has been to try to economically capitalize and consolidate the temporary advantages the bourgeoisie has achieved against the mass movement, particularly the working class, since the imposition of the State of Emergency on June 26, 1975. Various bourgeois economists have hailed this budget as "unique, *and in a sense it is. Hitherto, the relationship of class forces has compelled Indian budgets to seek to strike a balance between strengthening the private sector of the economy on the one hand and maintaining a mass appeal (through high direct taxation rates, etc.) on the other hand. Within the fundamentally capitalist economy of India, government planning and budgets have had two aims: 1) to establish a basic infrastructure of communications, educational institutions, steel, etc, which could underwrite the expenses of a private sector unable or reluctant to initiate such high-capital-cost, low-profit.ventures that were nevertheless vital for its expansion; 2) to partially subsidize distribution of mass consumption goods and provide employment opportunities in the public sector. This orientation shifts in accordance with the strength of the moss movement relative to the bourgeoisie. The first task has been largely accomplished and the "burden" of the second has been weakened by the partial defeats of the working class, particularly in the railway strike and the Emergency. Indian planning is moving to a new phase, signified by its "unique"