emergency" to
ZAMBIA take effect immediately. Because Zambia has been under a "partial" state of emergency since the unilateral declaration of independence by Rhodesia in 1965, it is difficult to immediately assess the actual legal implications of the move. But the total eradication of Part Ill of the constitution effectively suspends civil liberties, allowing the authorities to enter any premises, search any persons, ban the circulation of any literature, etc. Once again the university was indirectly referred to in the statement that "we have saboteurs and subversive elements sowing seeds of discord. These are foreigners or Zambians either working separately or in collaboration to infiltrate institutions. ... Some of our institutions of learning have been infiltrated. Some student groups are like an orchestra with an invisible conductor on the payroll of a social imperialist power. " (This, incidentally, is the first recorded use by Kaunda of the Chinese characterization of the Soviet Union, which has recently become a stock element in the vocabulary of Holden Roberto and President Mobutu of Zaire.)
ANGOLA Despite the fact that Kaunda's speech also contained references to various economic crimes involving hoarding of scarce commodities to the detriment of the consumer, it was quite apparent that the venom of the state was about to be directed against that tiny section of the population which openly expresses opposition to the whole trend of Zambia's détente policies in southern Africa over the past two years. These policies have involved a more and more open collaboration with the apartheid regime in South Africa both economically and politically. This line has expressed itself most clearly in the attitude toward the struggles in Zimbabwe and Angola. Concerning Zimbabwe, there is now de facto Zambian support for the efforts of Nomo, leader of the tiny petty-bourgeois section of Rhodesia's African popula24 tion, to reach a constitutional settlement with Smith which cannot conceivably embrace the central nationalist demand for "one man, one vote." Concerning Angola, the Zambian government has systematically maintained a policy of at first totally ignoring and now playing down the involvement of South Africa and U.S.-backed Zaire in the Angolan civil war. Instead, ever increasing attacks are made on the support given to the MPLA by the Soviet Union and Cuba. Lionel Cliffe is not the first victim of the purge of foreigners resident in Zambia (see the article by Tony Hodges in Intercontinental Press, January 12, for details on the treatment by Zambia of Zimbabwean freedom fighters opposed to a compromise). It should also be noted that two British correspondents of the Daily Telegraph and the Financial Times were held in Lusaka the day before Cliffe's arrest under the same emergency regulations. It is sadly ironic to note that Lionel Cliffe has a history of principled support for the liberation of Africa from colonial rule going back over the past fifteen years. MPERIALISM As is well known by comrades in Britain, he was a leading activist in the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola, and Guinea-Bissau. The urgency of a massive international campaign for freedom for all political prisoners in Zambia is underlined by the sinister implications contained in the following words from Kaunda's January 28 speech: "If you engage in diabolical activities against the state, spoiling and corrupting Zambians. • then I pledge to deal with you very firmly and absolutely without mercy. Deportation will only be part of the firm action." END THE STATE OF EMERGENCY IN ZAMBIA! FREE LIONEL CLIFFE AND ALL OTHER POLITICAL DETAINEES! February 1, 1976
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