In seversl Suropeen and Latin Jjmericen countries very small groups, often of less than half a dozen people, publich newepapers under the name of the "Fourth International" which give a caricature of "Trotakyism" that would even be amusing if it were not for the fact that these publications eventually supply the arguments of people who slender revolutionary Marxism. These papers contain ea stream of articles that are all basically written by one man; J.Posedas. ‘These small groups he leads.give such a deformed image of true revolutionary Marxism that we feel it necessary to quote some of the key extracts from of their papers, in order that militents can judge what they represent politically.
Return 66 the sources
"Posadism" is the result of a split in the Fourth International in 1962. But it was in the preparations leading up to the 6th World Congress (Jan. 1961) that this fraction began to elebornate different positions from those of the majority of the Trotskyist movment.
In order to understand the conteat in which these divergincies cevelged, we should recall the international politicel situation at the end of the 50s and the beginning of the 60s. ‘Apparently contrary to the development of the colonial revolution in Algerie, where war had been going on since 1954, in Cuba, where the July 26th revolution=ries tock power eat the begimming of 1959, and many other countries, one noticed a political stagnation in Burope where the proletariat had suffered a serious defeat with the coming to power of de Gaulle in May/June 1958,
The Fosadas group who led the Fourth International's "Latin jmerican Bureau" (LAB) began to develop a tendancy struggle against the “Huropean intellectual leaders" of the F.1. from the end of 1959 and 1960, during the period of real preperation for the Congress, The "Kuropean intellectual leaders" were puilty of not wanting to give up concrete political activity wibhin the mase movements in Europe even when the level of mitiancy there was Very-low, specially after the arrest of Michel Pablo (May 1960), who was then secretary of the International leadership, Posadas began to give these attacks the extravagant character that is now dominant.
These concepts were far from clearly formulated at first, especially as it ie often difficult to understand whet Fosadas is getting at, because of the particular structure of his writings : usually improvised, unstructured speaches recorded on taps, punebuated at odd times with exclomations or interjettions, using a terminology in which only a few key-words are Merxiet, the whole thing in a style that ie incoherent. “ second difficulty arises from the fact that Posatias worked through "eMissaries", real ‘Missi dominari', sent tc Europe to attend meeting of the Fourth International in his name.
Because of this Posadas'stuggle against the leadership of the FI et first took an organisational turn, as the struggle of one "team" against another "team" for power. Claiming to be the first te grasp the importance of the Colonial revolution, and the need to understand the state of mind of the"macses'' = which he was supposed to represent - he firet put forward his ideas in an amendmant to a resolution on the colonial revolution at the 6th World Congress.
H, Ineere,one-of his representatives, presented-this demand te the Congress in a document on the "activity of the International and its organisktion," (15 Nov 1960):"What we need today, is to ciscuss and enrichen our collective Trotskyist thought on forms of orgenisation of the International in order to respond to the new demands made by the new phase in world revolution opened in the 60s. In order also to respond to the isolation of the Latin American revolution - for example in Cuba = which has reach a level thet has never been known before by the colonial revolution, to respond to the Afriean revolution, to the enormous implications of the Sino-Soviet discussion, to the internal development and the creation of a vanguard in the workers' states, to the problems of a renewal of the workers! movement in the capitalist countries, which is closely linked to the development of the colonial revolution." At the time, these concepts - although they were carefully formulsted - were interpreted by the majority of the International as a proposal to dismantle sections by transfering their most important elements ond transforming the whole inte a "travelling" International and ome that would transfer its uprooted cadres from one end of the world to another as events dictated. The Fosedists attacked this interpretation at the time as being an exaggerstion of their views. However, seven years later in one of the PosSadas proup's papers one can read that "we must fuse ourselves totally with the masses, with the Intermetional centre, Comrade Posadas, who with the same historical guarantee as Trotsky, constructed the group's Cuarta Internacional, the flying International Sectetariat, our world Bolshevik tenml (1)
Micro-bursaucrncy
This wandering ond uprooted team is whnt Posadas wanted te "impose", through his Fourth International fraction, baptised by himself as 'monolithic". At the Congreas held by his Argentinian group in 1964 these dityrambic terms wore used to describe the team:'"It is a tenm such as no other party cr tendancy possessss and it is team that no other tendency or party = except for the Bolsheviks in October 1917 - has possessed to launch itai? into the task of the conquest of power, Jecnuse the Dolsheviks - you only have to read their accounte of the Central Committee in 1917 = had neither the homogeneity nor the solidarity, nor the trust in the leadership and the collective fusion that this team has; a team of 75 cadres who are here today."(2)
This is precisely the organisstionoel characteristic which typifics Fosadism. From 1945-1951 posadas began to build a smell apperatus outside the Fourth International, of essentially Argentinian origin, that was only recognised as a sympathising section in 1948 ot the II world Congress and as a section in 1951 at the III world Congress (in spite of a sizeable opposition however), It then succeeded in imposing its leadership on other sections: in Uraguay to begin with, The split in the Fourth Internstional in 1953 gave him a free field to get his hands on the Latin jmerican sections at the time - eliminating those who hed criticisms or expressed differences outright, by * sending em.issaries to his Latin American Dureau,that was on the spot, armed with full powers and excluding other people by shows of hands for votes on the basis of unprooven accusations such ad : provocetion, sexual devistion(!) agents of imperialicn, etc,.. (1) Lutte ouvritre(felgium), no. 69, 24 aug 1967. (2) Vou Froletaria (argentim), no. 527, 4 March 1964, The render might be rather astonished by such incredible presumption. This is nothing compared to some of the extracts we will quote below.
After th split these methads of denounciztion were generally extended to a world s¢ale by the Poseadas group({1). Monolithism went to such extremes that the only time one of the groups defended the "democratic concept of organisation of the Party," (these are the terms used by Posadas) it was ordered to dissolve itsclf. dmd this decisions was immediately carried out. (2)
If "Posadiem" wes characterised by « really micro-bureeucratic view of forta of building revolutionaries parties, in ita intial stages, and then by a desire to impose these methods on the "teams" that were 5 100% perallel to the Argentinian example in uniformising their thought and establishing caricatural monolithism, it rapidly thon became, like any sect must necessarily become, a group that defends its own aberrant political positions.
These political positions were affirmed in a "Letin ‘merican Conference" in October 1967 and an “extracrdinary conference" in April 1962.
Inevitable Atomic war
The main line of these positions - 2 conatant line that has been put forward independant of varintions and zig-zags on other points since then - is the affirmation thet imperialism is getting continually weaker, while at the same time the masses are subject to a process of continual ripening that is bringing them ever nesrer to seizure of state power. In this context, imperialism is preparing to initiate the World Atomic war. The only means of avoiding this would be & simultaneous socialist revolution in all the capitalist countries, which is impossible. The workers’ states, by not comingto the forefront through a preventive war, betray the world revolution, It is a question of forcing them to take up this position, by imposing the “world-wide anti-imperialist united front".
Thera is no no doubt what the renlt of the Atomic War will be : it will be the victory of socisliam over the first atomic bomb that itself will fall over imperialist territory, the messes will arise having understood the weakness of the regime; evun the Chinese who talk in terms of 400 million dead are pessimists : "It is not right to say as the Chinese de that there will be a sacrifice of 400 million men. W reject this conclusion. Tmere is no question of a sacrifice of 400 million, The Chinese sre also accepting that this will be some'kind of holocaust." (Posadas, "The world-wide development of the revolution," resolution of the eigth world congress, April 1967).
Therefore we must prepare for the Jtemic War. To this end Posades has written a whole manual "The role of anti-imperiaslist and revolutionary militants, the role of Protskyists, the programme and tasks curing and after the Atomic War." (12 April 1965) where he gives the following advice : “immediate hygene, get rid of the waste, faral matter, organise purification of water, district by district (,..) We must, at the same time look for contact with the International leadership - it exists where it exists.'' ‘
4s the besie of any analysis hes thus been given, the future clearly outlined, including the possibility of atomic war "the final settling of
(1) see for example the journel Cuarta Internacional (Uraguay) no. 1, Sept 1962 (2) J.Posadas, "Structure et fonctionnement de la IVe Internntional", 22 March 1966, suppliment no. 27 to Lutte Communiste (France).
é of accounts", there is no longer any need to interpret the world situation, all that is needed is a cnteloguing of everything—thit cocfirms Posadas' analysis: "The world must not be explaincd, neither in its material essence, nor in its base structure; one must go forwards to its complete and utter transformation." (communiqué at the International cadre school 1963). Therefore, " the seizure of power is simple, wery simple. It simply entails a decision to smash capitalism and arm oneself to resist the armed offensive that it will carry out, with everything including atom bombs." (Possdas, "The Revolutionary Mobilisation of the French Masses under the Leadership of the Proletariat," 24 Hay 7968.)
Thus everything is very simple. “he course of events has been traced, The masses are “unconsciously" Trotskyist, "sll the Middle ast is Trotskyist." wrote Posadas in November 1967 ('"The present Stage of the Political Revolution in China and Cuba"), Only the "so-celled United Secretariat" is not. Also, Secing hope ripe the masses are, the world-wide anti-imperialist united front is alive in the masses of the world, one must give it organic form." (same text) For a long time Fosadas thought he had found this organis form in an alliance with the Chinese leadership : "a year or two from now, if there has not been an jtomic War ( but even sooner if that has taken place), there will be a United “ront between the Chinese and us, a United Front between the Chinese revolution and the Fourth International (...) Six months ago the Chinese knew nothing about this question (of nuclear war). Today, they made this conclusion the focal point of their analysis, and use entire phrases taken from Posadas' articles." (1) (Posacas:" The Ripening of the Chinese evolution, New Stage in the Political Nevolution."' 3 June 19635).
During the Cultural Revolution in China, Fosadas revealed an even closer link ( the two years had already gone by however) end predicted that: "the mobilisation of the Chinese proletariat will previde a lichteningcommunication with the world-wide proletariat and ite world victory." (Posadas, "the Cultural Revolution in Chine and the Tactic for Development - of the World Secialist Revolution," 22 Oct 1966). He saw in Chen Yi (same text) and later in Kang Sheng (Communiqué from the meeting of the Diernational Seoretariat, July 1967) a leader of the revolutionary tendancy in Chima. Since then the Cultural Hevolution has come to an end, and Fosadas has found other “organie forms". But let's not look at these! For Posadas an "analysis" - which we know will be useless amnyway - never consiste in checking what occured to what has been predicted, or criticising mistakes in anelysis; it consists in making prophecies .
4 Well-jrmed Prophet
lets examine some of these prophecies. In Jamary 1963 Posadas denounced Ben Bella as an agent of capitalism, "Wa condemn the ben Bella government for its anti-proletariat terrorist attitude, in the service of capitalism, whether it be imperialism or world-wide Capitalism. ' (Resolution of Posadas' INternational Secretariat, 15 Oct 1963, Voz Proletaria, Jrgentina, 13 Nov 1963).
(1) This, as we will see further on, is only one of the particularly modest appreciations Posadas has made of .....Posadas!
At the beginning of 1964, Posadas predicted the ecigure of power in Brazil: “Brazil approaches a short-term revolutionary break-up, in which our party will play a fundamental role, in which there will be a huge victory for the masses." (posadas, Netionalism in the Struggle for Workers Power in Brazil, 30 Dee 1965). ‘This article was published in some countrics ... after the military coup d'Etet!
In the same yaar Posadas predicted that Belgium was entering a reve olutionary situation : "In Belgium a new crisis like that of 1960-61 is in preparetion."(Posadas,"The Struggle for a Revolutionary Marxist Party in Belgium and the Taske of the belgium Section of the Fourth International," 17 Dec 1964) ... a fow monthe later the legislative elections confirmed the Itiest serious set-back of the workers' parties there since the war. But don't take any noticé of this. Jetween times, Posadas predicted a glowing future for Lolivia :"In Bolovia, there is 4 situation in which the delays before civil war breaks out keep getting shorter," (Posadas, "From the Nationalist Revolution to a Workers' State," Feb 1966, suppliment No.12 to Lutte Comuniste, sug 1966),
However, when civil war was launched by the Nancahuaza guerillas, Posadas,fobgetting what he had written denied their existence: “everything indicates that it is a farce.'(Communiqué of the meeting of the Internstianal Gecretariat, July 1967, Lutte Ouvritre, no. 69, 24 .ug 1967).
Why was it so important to deny events that. had confirmed Posadas' predictions for once?
Because Posadas had also said = and for this he will probably even go down in some history books - that Fidel Castro had assassinated Che Guevara.
After the "Triconinental" he still state :"now we are absolutely sure that Castro and his team have killed Guevara... It is of little importance to discuss now whether or not they murdered him, but the fact that they are quite ready to do such things [I can confirm, and we can rest assured about this," (Posades, "Castro 's slanders against Trotekyism", Lutte Communiste, no. 48, 10th Feb 1966). Now Che Guevara wae in bolivia. Therefore to re-establish a coherent history of events it was necessary to ignor facts.
Guevara, tha Posadist J 4nd why was this.so important? lecsuse, followers of Posadas no longe latest invention, he who in "Nobody imagined we could influence Guevara, We aeked him, and we influenced him. It was neither circumstantial nor accidental, no |" (Posadaa, "The Development of the Political Revolution in the Workers! STates", April 1967, Revue Marxiste Européene, no.1, March 1968, p.7148).
By the time imperialism and its Bolivian agent had assassinated Che Guevara, Posacas' attention had already been drawn away from Holivia. He now notigad Syria.
‘What struck him was the news published in "Le Monde" saying that Khaled Djoundi, leader of the Syrian trade unions and the left-wing of the Baas, had
organised workers! militias. /mrone who organises m’lit*ss can only be a Posadist, of course. "Khaled Djoumdi-orgenised 250,000. militia man," wrote Posadas, ‘This (once again) confirmed that there was an objective fusion ° between the objective desires of the masees of the world and the Fourth International," iiigeepe phere "we believe, if that reached us are true, that Syria is a workers' Stete," (Communiqué of July 1967, quoted above). In November 1967 = Khaled Djoundi had been relieved of his functions, but Posadas ignored that- Syria was considered unconsciously Trotskyist : "Syria accepts the Fourth International, Syria is the most important centre of our activity, In Syria power has already been seized." (Posndas, "The Present Stege in the Political Revolution in China, Cuba, and the Development of the Socialist Revolution in Syris and the Tasks of the Fowth Internationesl, Nov. 1967).
The listing of Workers' States is one of Posadas' favorite pastimes : in Merch 1964 he decided, at his 7th "World Congress" to consider Zanzibor a new Workers' State (Voz Proletaria, 15 ipril 1964). but the following year the number of workers states had fallen again to 14, but nine others were "ready to form : Zanzibar, ,lgeria, Irak, Seypt, Mali, Guinea, Cambodia, Laos and Burma." (Poeadsas, "The Role of anti-imperialist and Revolutionary Militants, the role of Trotskyists, the Procramme and Tasks diring and after the jtomic Wer,"
In 1968 he noted the existence of 16 Workers' States (Posadas, "The death crisis of Capitalism - the Process of Collapse of the Bureaucracy, 5 Oct 1966). No doubt, today the list must have progressed "with one reservation : that the facts received are verified." How could it be otherwise, since the world is Trotskyist, since the masses are Trotskyist, because the world coes not heed to be explained, it is enough to orientate towards the seizure and that is very easy.
(nm Guniscient Genius
Sometimes Posadas makes extraordinary predictions about countries where the revolution according to him, is just around the corner. Thus in May 1968 he prophecied it everywhere ... ekcept France :"In three countries, namely opein, Italy and Mexico, people will act with resolve and maturity that will astonish us ...- Im France there is lees tradition of direct intervention by the masses , and this task will be more difficult." He wrote this three days before the beginning of the General Strike ! (Posadas, “The Class Mobilisation and the Proletarian devolution, Students and Peasants in 211 Burope," 11 May 1968) , This did not prevent .him writing later that he had predicted the events in France! Development of events, facts themselves have absolutely no importance in the framework of s Posadist view of the world, which replaces historical materialism by tic idealism. The content of hiwtory is a given fact = only its form Independant of content) can chanre, as he wrote in 1967 about the cultural revolution, “the struggle is only the internal form in China, because the Pope, souslov, Imperialism, everthing enters in." (Fosacas "The Organisation of Factory Committees in China ", 6 dan 1967).
Thus the genius who has knowledge of the content of world history is allpowerful. It is he alone who sets. things in motion, the revolutionary movemat that personally influences the Chinese, Guevara, Khaled Djoundi, he not only organises but embodies Trotskyiem in it : "It is necessary to take account of
the. ensrmeus pewer our movemnt hes . This is expressed in its ripest and highest form in the person of Comrades Luis (Fosadas' pseudonym). Comrade Luis is in turn the reflection of this very movemmt ," he said of himself (Reply given by reporter Luis gn the International Zituation, "extraorcinary" conference April 1962, Cuarta Internacional, no.1, pd.)
When one of his collaborators ic unfortunate enough to write that Posadas is leading the building of"sections'' in Europe, he ia deservedly corrected; "In the first issue of November 1966 of Revista Marxista ea in Italian it was Said :‘The international conference decided to arganise sections in Europe, and these were organised under the leaderbhip and constant attention of Comrade Fosadas." It is not so, this is not the truth (...) Comrade Pogadas, carrying out the resolution of the International was .the- one-who . organised all the sections." (Annex to the editorial on the Ist issue of Revista Marxists Europea, Revista Marixsta Suropea, March 1967, no.2, p.12).
A Remarkable Pedazorue
In his eight years of incessant activity, Posadas has found time to contribute to the development of pedagogy. The remarkable leap forword that he has curried out in the science is shown in the Manifesto he addressed to the Masses of the world on 1st May 1962.
The May Ist Manifesto of the "extraordinary" conference of April 1962 was addressed to a whole category of people and in particular to "women, children and so-called old men", (Cuartea Internacional, Sept 1962, no.1, p15), while tha Manifesto of the “International Secretariat" of May ist 1970 was addressed to "women, and those who are who are called children and old men by some people."(Lutte Ouvritre, Belgium, no.133, 2May 1970).
In other words Posadas has discovered that basically, children do not exist! They can be revolutionaries right from birth, Thus "Comrade Jean, a young comrade of & gave the speech on the revolutionary struggle of children of the world and ‘their dynamic perticipation in the eleetoral campairfpn of the FOR(t) in Belgium, and was extremely well received by #11 comrades present as the expression of the enormous power concentrated in the Fourth International,” was an account of a mecting that one can read in his Belgium mouthpiece (Lutte Ouvridre, no 84, 16 April 1968). At eight one is already a hardened militant, ilitant, because "we proposed, a long time ago = and this
applies to all our parties - that children of our militants must intervene and they are militant at an early age. Our children have been militants since birth," (Posadas, "Structure and functioning of the Fourth International" 22 March 1966, Suppliment no.27 to Lutte Communiste ", April 1969).
What method does our new Makarenko use to educete children? The secret lies in the virtues of Logos, of Posadas himself, of course: "Experience shows that one must develop children in the art of human comminication at an early age, through speaking to them, through speaking to them well,well, as though you were speaking to an adult, communicating feelings to them, for example I spoke of Vietnam to s child. It was nota pretence ... I spoke continuosly : Vietnam, Vietnam, Vietnam. To a child who was one month old. Thus, for 4 months, thus for four months... and he reacted by speaking, Without knowing words yet, but he spoke." (Posadas, “on Revolutionary Morals of the Proletariat" Revista Marxiste Buropea, March 1967, no.2, p65) .
The Caricature of revolutionary Marxism that Posadas gives is so scand——~ alous that it cannot directly fool many people:—The-mamhership of his "Yorganisation" are a proof of this. but nevertheless, it fools people indirectly, to the extent that he is used by the the enemies of revolutionary Marxism, and the Soviet bureaucracy in particular. In fact there are several instances when Posadas' existance has been a real godsend for them. The first time was the 1961-62 split which came at a time when the perspectives for building the Fourth International were beginning to open up, because of the Sino-Soviet oonfiict and the crisis of otalinisn.
At least twice the Soviet bureaucracy has been able to gain ground in Cubz through using the sayings of Posadas : first, an article by Posadas in the Cuban Communist Party's newspaper "Hoy" in June 1962 gave them a chance to ridicule Trotekyism; and another time they were able to inspira Fidel Casto's speech at the Triconinental in 1966, which was based on extracts from Posedas' texts accusing Castro of having killed Che Guevara.
Posadas end the Kremlin
Gut since the soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia Posadas has been a precious ally of the Krefllin bureaucracy. Since those events, he has gone over to their side on sll the impostant questions : for Paosadas, whose judgement coincided and even anticipated the Kremlin's, the "Prague spring" was nothing but a return to capitalism, "as Novotny is supported by the structure of this workers" state, which is a centralised one, any attack on centralisation is an attack on the structure. That is why Novotny defends centralisation. The counter-revolution eliminated Novotny and is trying to eliminate Brezjnev.'"' (Posadas, ‘The March of the Political Revolution, the Attempts of Bourgeois Regression in the dorkers' States andthe Advance of World-wide Socialist -evolution,' March 1968).
Now all oppodition to the invasion is right-wing, whether it is Ernst Fisher and the YCe in justria, or the Swiss comrades who left the 'Parti du Travail' and founded the ‘Ligue Marxiste Revolutionnaire', or the left opposition in Finland, or the "Manifesto' group in Italy.
"Growth crises are expressed in two different ways : either. by big internal discussion that raise the programme of struggle for power, such as in Italy, France and to a lesser extent in Belgiu,; or by purification, expulsions of tendencies that are in favour of making alliances with procapitalist sectors, such as in Czechoslovakia, jimetria anc soon Finland, Switzerland(...) The entry tactic is based on a concept that in the Communist parties there is a growth crisis developing and not e crisis of disinterration. Anyone who breeks with the CPs goes to the right - whether it is Finland, Switzerland, justria, France or Italy,"(‘On the Present Stage of the Fermanent World-wide revolution," extracts from a course given in a cadre school in feb 1970, lutte Communiste, 30 April 1970, no.155).
opposed It is on this basis that Posadas, who ten years earlier hed/the "entry" AG out by militants of the Fourth International, proposes “permanent
"in communist parties (Lutte Ouvriere, elgium no.135, 4 June 1970), ice he also calls "internal entry" ( Poeadas, The Death Crisis of Capitalien
- Prosess of Collapse of the Bureaucracy, 5 Oct 1963). While he supportes the
se
Conference of uropem Communist parties on Vietnam-( leaflet of the stucent faction of the POR, ame: 2h May 1970), he opposed the candidacy of the Trostkyist jlain Krivine in the 1969 presidential, elections in France, which he called an "attack on the CP's centralisation," (leaflet of the Belgium POR, 31 May 1969), by calling on peoble to vote for Jacques Duclos, the same aS he called for them to vote for the Italian CP in the regional elections in Italy, and to support the Belgium CP's initiatives in favour of » "progessive unity".
Posadas expresses his views quite clearly: "In the next stage, the pressure of the masses will lead to organisation and development of a conscious revolutionary leadership in the communist parties. Imperislism will be hopeless against this process. On the contrary, the process will be continually accelerated by the euthority and influence of Posadcas and the Fourth International in the Communist movement,'' (Manifesto of Ist May 1970). The opportunist CPs of Peru and Jolivie made exactly the same analyses which stated thet military juntas brought the struggle for workers' states nearer. It is no accident that the Bolivian junta published one of Possdas" textsin a government journal, "Irom the National Revolution to a Workers’ State", in which he proclaims:"One can predict that the course of national revolution wili inevitably lead to the constant rnising of socialist forms of struggle end socislist economic measures." The task therefore, is to work for the regeneration of the communist parties, which has begun:"Whnt did a Trotskyist militant in 1934 want? To gain Communist leader. ip , the leadership of the masses, Wheat does a Troskyist today want? To force the Communist messes to take power in the Communiat Party, The structure of action has changed and therefore the forms are different." (Posadas,''The Death Crisis of Capitalism - Process of Collapse of the Duresueracy," 5 Oct 1968).
Nothing could be clearer: Posadas" action aims at preventing or eounterposing
the efforts of anyone who tries to remove the lenderehip of the madses from the hands of the Stalinist.