THE SOUTH AFRICAN
REVOLUTION
During the past year there have been trequent signs of a mounting movement of the South African masses against the barbarous and insane policy of Apartheid
One remembers the bus boycott of 1956, in which some 70,000 people participated, and which came to an end only when the Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce took on itself the task of acting as mediator between the African leaders and the Government.
In 1958 Dr. Verwoerd became Prime Minister of South Africa.
Since the Nationalist Party came to power in 1948, Dr. Verwoerd, as Minister of Native Affairs, dominated the political life of the country.
The manner in which the policy of racial segregat Africa, and ahso, plains for iprempt. ication, are due to him.
classic text extracted from Rosa Luxemburg's famous work, , "On the Accumulation of Capital," which analyses the penetration of capitalism in South Africa, we publish ample information, with comment, on Apartheid. These extracts are taken from the book, , "Education for Barbarism" by I B Tabata.
The year 1959 was above all marked by the participation of African women in the struggle, the extent and tenacity of which has amazed the whole world.
The marches of the women of Natal, their clashes with the police, their determination to liberate their imprisoned fellow-demonstrators, were indications of a new revolutionary explosion in the making.
These demonstrations have proved the effectiveness of direct action by the people through their own organs as against the use of "constitutional" channels, such as Advisory Boards,
It is the same direct action which took hold of the greater masses on March 21st 1960, — the date which marks the "beginning of the South African revolution." (The Times, 6-4-60)
For more than 15 days the African masses, heroically resisting the cruel repressions, have given innumerable signs of their resoluteness to combat and of their rapid political maturation.
Strike, marches to cities, destruction of the abhorred passes, violent clashes with the police, have demonstrated that "Saracen armored cars and all the up-to-date ordance at Dr. Verwoerd's disposal can kill more men and women than the musketts did. But they cannot break the will of the Bantu." (The Times, ibid.) (Our italics).
The masses have acquired through their action a new sense of their possibilities, of their dignity.
I'hey have seen the racialist government sway inder their pressure, and suspend the system oi passes, even if only for several days.
They have become conscious of the extreme division which their action has provoked inside the leading European layers, as well as the reactions of international opinion, , beginning with those of the English bourgeoisie.
In spite of the re-establishment of the most odious repression by a Police State fighting with their backs against the wall, these achievements are destined to have lasting results, and to provoke protound and irreversable changes.
It is not only the new South African context which forces these changes, it is also the whole of the present African context. Interaction between the two processes is constant.
The new young leaders of the South African national movement are conscious not only of the dynamic movement of the masses, but also of its historical perspectives.
During the trial of Mangaliso Sobukwe, leader of the activist wing which emerged from the African National Congress to constitute the Pan African Congress and to engage in the action which was feverishly awaited by the masses, he proudly declared:
"Our aim is the complete overthrow of white domination in South Africa. It is our contention that South Africa is an integral part of the continent of Africa and
' therefore solve its problems isolation from and with utter disregard to the rest of the continent. For that reason we agreed as our historic role, tribute to the establishment of the United
States of Africa... from Cape to Cairo and from Morocco to Madagascar."
This is the strength and these are the ideas which inspire the African national movement in the new stage it has reached through action.
It is strangely reminiscent of the Algerian revolution on the eve of its outburst.
The Algerian Nationalist movement, divided into Messalists and Centralists, stagnated, seemed paralyzed, by inaction.
The CR U A activist tendency which emerged assembling the young cadres longing for dirent from the ranks of this movement action, gave, on November Ist 1954, the signal
46 for this action and involved with them the Algerian masses — and very soon, the Algerian immigrants in France as well.
So came the F L N and so came the revolution. A similar process has begun in South Africa. It cannot be doubted or ignored.
The ultra-racialist section of the Afrikaans farmers which supports the present government, risks, in the long run, finding themselves isolated from their own class.
The reaction of the English bourgeoisie and the steps the industrialists have taken (most of whom are of English origin) in the direction of Verwoerd, before the unsuccesful assassination attempt against him, (which, incidentally, was made
European), through the Federated Chamber of Industries, are of great significance in this matter.
Industrialists and businessmen of this country, which is potentially very rich and economically he most developed in the whole of Africa, are disquietened by the fact that the productivity of work has been in a steady fall since 1954. Last year national income per head in real terms again showed a small decline.
The economic and social conditions imposed on the African labor, on whom the industrialists and agriculturalists so rigidly depend, provoke both the conditions of frequent interruptions of production as well as the lowering of productivity.
The industrial bourgeoisie of South Africa, who feel the imposition of compelling international competition, is demanding measures capable of stabilizing and increasing the productive effort of the masses: readjustment of the extremely low wages; revision of pass laws; attenuation of the humiliating status imposed also upon even the small but growing middle class of Africans, whom this bourgeoisie intends to use.
On the other hand, this industrial bourgeoisie
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL will be withdrawn or decreased, and also the possible repercussions of a boycott by the international organization of transport workers aimed at South African exportations. We have noted that during the recent revolutionary crisis in the country, the capitalization values of South African stocks in London and Johannesburg have fallen by, No one but a mad man would buy South £600,000,000. African shares now" writes The Economist "people no longer looking for industrial revival" (9-4-60). The threat investments (ibid) is even more serious.
In this field England is the most interested, having invested £866,000,000 out of a total of £1,396,000,000 of foreign capital invested (followed closely by the United States, who have invested more than £170,000,000).
However important might be the pressure exercised from the bourgeois milieux on the "irresponsibles" who rule South Africa, only revolutionary action from the masses, led by an authentic revolutionary organization, can in reality overcome the inevitable and ferocious resistance of such a regime. A minority of 3,000,000 Europeans exploit and oppress a people of almost 11,000,000 (of whom 1,500,000 are Colored).
This minority is determined to safeguard at all costs their enormously out-of-proportion privileges. In order to overthrow this regime, it will be necessary sooner or later to undertake an action "à l'Algérienne" — combining the armed struggle of the peasants of the reserves (approximately 3,000,000) together with the revolutionary mobilization of the agricultural proletariat (also about 3,000,000) and the urban proletariat (approximately 3,000,000).
The whole of the African continent, immense hinterland of South Africa, will support South of South Africa fears that the foreign investments Africa.