THE PARTAI ACOMA ANALYSES
SOEKARNO'S "GUIDED DEMOCRACY"
We herewith publish the main extracts from the following document of the Partai Acoma,
Indonesian section of the Fourth International:
THESIS OF OCTOBER 1959
Torch for the People's Struggle in the Context of "Back to the Constitution of 1945"
Documents Promises from the time of colonial rule
In difficult times colonial rulers proved not to be averse to promises which resemble something that the people will demand. Confronted with its ruin Japanese imperialism came forward with the promise known as "Indonesia free in a short time". We had already experienced Dutch play with the promise "Indonesia independent within the context of the Dutch kingdom."
Neither the Japanese nor the Dutch promise was meant to lead the independence movement present among the people. The mentioned imperialistic promises only had one aim: to maintain colonial rule. When we look more closely those imperialistic promises were essentially aimed at defeating a possible people's revolution.
For completeness' sake, it is good to put forward here that the Japanese promise "Indonesia independent in a short time" almost defeated our Proclamation of Independence of August 17, 1945. The groups which grew up on this Japanese promise as a matter of life and death, desired to delay the matter and to wait, full of loyalty, for the day on which the Japanese would transmit sovereignty. They relied so much on the Japanese promise that they did not believe that the Japanese had capitulated. This group erred so excessively that it condemned the "Proclamation of August 17, 1945" as a provocation from spies of the enemy, who tries to bring confusion to "Indonesian independence" dence which in any case was "to be had from Japanese
On the other hand, a great part of the Indonesian people, confronted with the Dutch promise "Indonesia independent within the Dutch Kingdom" lacked revolutionary readiness, or even lost it. With this Dutch pro-
"Hollandism", opportunism and defeatism were developed in the organization of our revolution, so the course of the revolution of August 17 was turned straight to Linggardjati, Renville and the Round Table Con-
This proves that the Dutch promise played a revolutionary readiness we regrettably could not cope with it suf-
History proved that one has to meet promises of rulers with revolutionary readiness; promises which aimed at guiding the desires of the people, but on the contrary at lulling them to sleep, in order to maintain the position of the rulers. This revolutionary readiness is needed to save revolutionary energy.
fulfillment of the promise" , a movement which had as its object to fight for everything which possibly would not be fulfilled by the promising rulers. 2. After August 1945 the revolutionary energy experienced damage and defeat because of lack of revolutionary preparedness. Moreover, it was forgotten that the government of the Republic of Indonesia originating from the revolution was in fact a ruling power which had to realize the aims of the revolution; aims which in themselves could not be connected any more with promises of another ruler from another time, based on the counter-revolution. Promises of Soekarno
After 14 years of experience with an authority which strayed from the revolutionary road while the mass of the people grudged and suffered, the President of the Indonesian Republic delivered a speech on August 17, 1959; a speech under the title "rediscovery of our re
This speech formed the Political Manifesto of the Soekarno government, within the content of the Constitution of 1945
This speech represented a ruler's promise. This speech brought the promise of "food and clothes, security and freedom for the millions of the people". Now the question arises whether this promise aims at guiding the desires of the people or only means a "political move", in order to maintain the position of the present rulers. If we were to ask the President-Chief of the Armed Forces, First Minister Soekarno, about this matter, we would certainly get the answer that the above mentioned promise had no other aim than the realization of revolutionary objectives, that is to say guiding the desires of the millions of people. This answer was reflected in the speech of Soekarno on August 17 last, a speech which among other things runs as follows.
"Really we do not make a revolution, we do not struggle, we do not make sacrifices, we do not dance with death, to hoist the Red-White flag, or to let fly the Indonesian Eagle in the sky, do wer
No, we are in action because of our misery, we are in action because we desire to live better and fully;
we are in action only for an ideal, we are in action because we desire sufficient food, clothes, land,
56 houses, education, arts and culture, in short, we are in action because we desire to better our lot, in all its parts and branches. This improvement of our lot can only be 100% when society ceases to be capitalist and imperialist. Because this (capitalist) system developed like a sort of parasite on our body, living and flourishing from our forces, from our means of subsistence, from the essence of our society. That is why our movement is no small affair. Our movement has to be one which wants to change the character of our society thoroughly.
The demands concerning social justice, freedom and independence, democracy and so on rushed forward, in the open, in a revolutionary way, in our generation; this after we had for decades carried in our hearts a fire in a shell; and those demands of the Indonesian people must be satisfied, being a revolutionary stream - and not bit by morsel by morsel, not in a reformist way, not "piecemeal", not in the form of a compromise, and to fulfill those demands, like a revolutionary stream we ourselves must be inspired by a revolutionary spirit".
Revolutionary ends cannot be realized with forces that divert and obstruct the revolution. There is the experience of our 14 years of independence showing that the group which diverts and obstructs the revolution is the big bureaucracy.
That the bureaucracy consists of civilians and military men, in their living and thinking very much different from and hostile to the development in the mass of the people. They form a sort of cabal which holds fast to the important functions and strategic positions in ministries, services, concerns, governmental and semi-governmental institutions, various organizations and committees, parties and associations. In the back ground of the bureaucracy stand foreign monopoly capital. With this bureaucracy, it is impossible to realize revolutionary aims. If we really want to realize the contents of the above-mentioned speech of Soekarno, then it is necessary to break through the bureaucracy. Without such a break-through everything amounts to nonsense.
We have already explained that revolutionary vigilance in face of the governmental promises is necessary; these promises were in fact only made to maintain the positions of the rulers.
Without seriousness and competence, in this initiative of claiming our due the positive aims will only be turned off their course and will become a striving for the extension of the life of the bureaucracy, which in fact has to be fought. We have a collective approach to prevent the bureaucracy - and behind it foreign monopoly capital - continuing to posture under the flag of the reThe bureaucracy and the government parties
In the Netherlands Indies period the nobility and heir descendants were given very good positions and room to live, so that they formed a bureaucracy which became a loyal agent of foreign monopoly capital. In the Japanese period this bureaucracy experienced some ups and downs, but in reality this bureaucracy could still maintain itself, so that Japan finally had to make use of the bureaucracy as a channel, to search out and plunder the forces and goods of the people. In the time of the revolution of August 1945, the Netherlands Indies bureaucracy was in semi-chaos, but thanks to the
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL Right-deviationist course of the revolutionary leaders. this bureaucracy could reorganize itself; yes it could even broaden its ranks with the bureaucracy of a new generation: namely of the generation of Linggardjati, Renville and the Round Table Conference. Both bureaucracies had as a basis foreign monopoly capital, both were agents of foreign colonial capital, which is hostile to the interests and the needs of the people. If one still wants to find differences between the old and the new bureaucracy, this difference is not to be found in the function but in the composition. The old bureaucracy consists exclusively of the nobility and its descendents; the new bureaucracy consists of men of the political movements; among these were men who distinguished themselves and won a good name in the prewar struggle.
We are now confronted with the question of breaking through the bureaucracies of the Netherlands Indies, Linggardjati, Renville and the Round Table Conference generations. This bureaucracy maintains itself with the jumping gait of a coconut rat, moving from one government party to the other. The bureaucracy, agent of colonial capitalism, maintains itself by entering and surrounding whatever party is becoming a government
It is clear that the government parties are incapable of damming the danger of this bureaucracy. The government parties are in reality already devoured alive by the bureaucracy - agent of colonial capitalism - which certainly damaged the good name of the parties concerned. This explains the growing annoyance which recently was used as a starting point to promote the anti-party activity. Soekarno and the parties
Soekarno himself did not lead the parties in a direct way, and in this present transitional period he in fact has no clear standpoint concerning the position and the role of the parties, as a means to overcome the national problems which are complicated in all respects. About two years ago, on the youth day, Soekarno as head of state even fostered the anti-party tendencies with an utterance in which he seemed to dream of the liquidation of the parties. Not much later, Soekarno as head of State let drop something else: on a reception of the P.N.I. (National Party of Indonesia) he let resound his desire for one vanguard party with a progressive radical and revolutionary character. Finally Soekarno turned up with the proposed simplification of the party system. From that angle Soekarno came forward with the abandonment of their party membership by the ministers and high civil servants. At last he released the national council of ministers from party-relations and (party) discipline. From these events one can conclude that is not content with and very much disappointed by the development of the Indonesian party system.
Meanwhile Soekarno is very busy making use of the present opportunities to lay the foundation of a power which he would have in his hands directly. By releasing the ministers and high civil servants in all departments, functions, concerns, governmental and semi-governmental institutions in the centre and the territories, from their party ties, Soekarno hopes to discipline and mobilize the mentioned forces for the national advancement directly.
ter-revolution, among proletarians and peasants on the of the counter-revolutionaries is possible.
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL The bureaucracy and Soekarno
The above-mentioned attitude of Soekarno somewhat touches the position of the bureaucracy. That bureaucracy did not keep silent. Elements of the bureaucracy desired to free themselves from the decisions which concerned them. The parties which for some time held governmental power, which in fact was wholly ruled by the bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalism - were as capricious as if their own strength was being gnawed. Among them the P.N.I. wants to have the prohibition of parties-membership for civil servants withdrawn. For the conscious party-members a party is a matter of ideology which cannot be dammed up just by the inter. diction of party membership, for them party-discipline is a thing which they have got, a thing which in fact cannot be swept away with the formula "give up your party membership"; for them party-discipline is a thing which develops in the context of realising a partyideology. On the other hand, for the bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalism - the parties are a means of proone hand, and foreign capitalists on the other, are the backbone of the national bourgeoisie. As we know, beside the national bourgeoisie we have the petty bourgeoisie, which failed in its endeavour to become national capitalists. In this failure they desire to maintain the revolutionary leadership, by means of the concept of guided democracy, a concept which in fact is no longer on the strength of a solid class but is exclusively dependent on the personality of Soekarno. Half the national bourgeoisie - in its despair - become a comprador class of foreign capitalism. The tradition, already established by the Round Table Conference is continued in the context of the SEATO-authority by means of the system of liberal democracy. After liberal democracy is pushed aside by guided democracy the comprador bourgeoisie continues its rôle in the political content of a military junta, which leans on the army. Confronted with the system of bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalists -Indonesia stands now at the crossroads, in the midst of several systems:
tection, a sort of shield against the opposition of the 1. The system of peoples democracy, which leans on people. Getting in and out, from one party to the other is for the bourgeoisie - agent of foreign capitalism -a matter of routine. That means that if the parties indeed cannot any more be used by the bureaucracy as a basis to maintain itself, certainly that bureaucracy will seek other ways to maintain its position. In a structure in which the outward authority is commonly concentrated in the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Prime Minister, the bureaucracy certainly will not shrink back from surrounding the ruling individual, Soekarno. The prohibition of party-membership which hit the ministers and high civil servants, in this way, did not solve the problem, but shifted it. The bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalism - which originally surrounded and entered whatever party was on the way to becoming a government party, now has the opportunity to change its course by gathering around the Presidential Palace and by not being averse to shouting loudly "long live brother Karno". (Soekarno) At the crossroads
The struggle against the bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalism - is no new problem. It existed already before this revolution. It was again a problem after the revolution and now we are again confronted with it. We have to bear in mind that in the field of struggle there are 3 groups. On the Left we meet the revolutionary group. On the Right we see the counter-revolutionaries. In both groups we observe movements of groups which play a rôle in all classes within the framework of this polarization; groups which in our terthe class of proletarians and peasants and other progressive groups. 2. The system of liberal democracy, which leans on the national bourgeoisie. 3. The system of guided democracy which leans on the personality of Soekarno. 4. The system of the military junta which leans on the military (the army). The system of people's democracy
This system had its roots in the revolutionary groups, its basis in the class of proletarians and peasants, and it embraces the mass of proletarians, peasants and other progressive groups. This system depends on the ideological maturity of the proletarians and peasants and on the activity of Marxist-Leninist groups, that is to say: the communists. This system cannot flourish when opportunism still reigns tyrannically in the revolutionary wing. This system cannot progress when the bonapartists of the national bourgeoisie still have influence over the proletarians and peasants. This system cannot go forward effectively when the communists are not - or not yet - capable of realizing a sovereign (peoples) policy. One can hope that this system will be completed when the communists do not hesitate to educate the mass of proletarians and peasants in revolutionary actions, when the communists end their (defensive) policy (of very modest demands) and want to start with a sovereign (people's) policy, independently. The communists endeavour to defeat as much as possible the intrigues of bonapartists and counter-revolutionaries, they are not permitted:
"bonapartist"
The revolutionary 1. to sacrifice the interests of proletarians and peasants minology are called groups want to put national attairs completely in order by means of the system of people's democracy, where deliberations take place among the friends of the people.
On the other side, from the counter-revolutionaries, one to the advantage of the interests of the corrupt national bourgeoisie;
2. to popularize the bonapartism of the national bourgeoisie;
ears the demand of liquidation of the revolution with 3. to desert the rôle of vanguard of the working class a bureaucratic system which - whether by crude or gentle ways - continuously deals blows to the revolution. The class-basis of the revolutionary groups lies in the proletariat and the peasants. The class basis of the counter-revolutionaries consists of the foreign capitalists. The bonapartists, present in revolution and coun-
The system of people's democracy will only develo fast after the bonapartism of the national bourgeoisie has failed in all its forms; at the moment when (even) the most backward workers are able to move against bonapartism. With the system of people's democracy, which has its roots in the broad mass, the liquidation
58 The system of liberal democracy
This system has as its kernel the class of the national bourgeoisie. In the content of this system, this class has as its dearest wish: to become national capitalists. The position of the national bourgeoisie in the governmental leadership is used, as far as possible, to fulfil its desires. With an eye on the reality of the petty bourgeoisie, our national bourgeoisie changes its standpoint, going hither and thither, between revolution and counter-revolution. From the national bourgeoisie originate the political champions of the bonapartist course. These bonapartists have pleasure in everything which they (can) call: looking for a synthesis. A synthesis is for the bonapartist not a victory of revolution over counterrevolution. Along this middle road they infiltrate the bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalism - and probably the bonapartists are already working in the framework of the bureaucracy of foreign capitalism. In the liberal democratic system which they praise highly these bonapartists finally do not want to compete with their political enemies. The failure of the liberal democratic system is seen at last as a reality. In the liberal system the national bourgeoisie failed to attain its object: to become national capitalists. The national bourgeoisie itself has - in this system - belatedly noticed that its position has become hard-pressed. Thereupon, a part of the national bourgeoisie leaders left the bonapartist way, choosing the counter-revolution, with the slogan "anti-communism". • This slogan is moulded on the system of "democracy without the communists" otherwise called: the dictatorship of the comprador bourgeoisie. The system of guided democracy
Because the national bourgeois class has already failed in its struggle in the direction of national capitalism, the system of guided democracy did not turn up clearly as the interpreter and protector of the national bourgeoisie. The device "socialism" was embroidered on the banner of this guided democracy. This "socialism" which rests on the national bourgeoisie is indeed a peculiar affair. In order to reduce the peculiarity, the system of guided democracy which is bonapartist in its structure is based essentially on the personality of Soekarno. And this Soekarno delivers speeches on socialism while the national bourgeoisie silently cultivates its phantasies, concentrated on national capitalism, and while it certainly will make use of every possible opportunity to enrich itself in any case. Proletarians and peasants want to realize the socialism on which Soekarno delivers speeches, while the national bourgeoisie tries to limit socialism to speeches. Soekarno's bonapartism puts Soekarno in a precarious position, because with this bonapartism the distance between speech and reality is so much the greater. The more Soekarno is involved in problems which must be solved directly, the more Soekarno needs a force which he can master directly. As a leader outside the parties, bonapartism still more shows the complexity of the personality of Soekarno, weaving in and out between the variaus classes, a Soekarno who in practice only collects problems, who from day to day accumulates these problems without really solving one of them. Taking into consideration the present relationship of forces, Soekarno's bonapartism makes him still more dependent on the bureaucracy which up to now is not yet demolished. This guided democracy, based on
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL the personality of Soekarno, can certainly only experience failure, because it cannot defeat the bureaucracy. The system of the military junta
The military junta makes use of the military system of work where the rank and file are not allowed to think otherwise than ordered by their superiors. Thus the military junta is a personal dictatorship of the high military. Because the military were not allowed, before, to participate in politics, otherwise than by submitting themselves to the orders of Linggardjati, Renville and the Round Table Conference, which were hostile to the interests and needs of the people, the military were politically the most backward elements. To speculate about a personal military dictatorship which determines the national policy, is very dangerous because it has no roots in a solid class, it has no clear ideology which can be followed, it is very much dependent on personal temperament. The condition of a military junta is objectively very unstable, it is easily shaken and, in view of the concrete internal situation of our armed forces, the military junta is an easy prey for the bureaucracy -agent of foreign capitalism - which in its development can easily become the incubator from which finally a dictatorship of the comprador bourgeoisie will be
The future of Indonesia goes in the direction of the people's democratic system, because the military junta is unable to overcome the internal contradiction of the Armed Forces and incapable of solving the national problems in the interest of the mass of the people. After the current failure of the government of the national bourgeoisie which desired to become the national capitalists, the system of peoples' democracy will create a development in the direction of a peoples' government without capitalism. This means that we are now already in a period of history which is more progressive than the situation of 1945, when we had as a slogan "a peopl es government". This slogan has now become ficient. This slogan has to be fortified in the (following) form: a peoples' government without capitalism.
In face of the reality that in the Armed Forces themselves not all want a military junta, the system of people's democracy will bring together the mass of workers and peasants on the one hand and the mass of the soldiers on the other hand, in the organization of a front of workers, peasants and soldiers, who move progressively towards a peoples' government without capitalism. The liquidatory simplification of the Indonesian party system clashe system of people's democracy is based on the workers and peasants and other progressive groups. This system needs parties. We in Indonesia are confronted with the reality of many parties. We count several national bourgeois parties, religious as well as national. Evidently we are confronted with more one workers' party.
In the context of a people's democracy the process of implification of the party system essentially takes place n the practice of the struggle against feudalism and imperialism.
The system of people's democracy needs parties, and the parties which can continue their life in a people's democracy are the revolutionary and progressive parties.
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL The reactionary parties are beaten back because the system of people's democracy follows the policy of hitting the enemies of the people directly. In the present relations of power, where the bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalism - is still in authority in all areas, every endeavour to discipline the parties from above follows the twistings of the law.
The parties and similar organizations are in practice only a canal for the bureaucracy to maintain itself, from our side we need revolutionary preparedness in face of the endeavours of the national bourgeoisie and the bonapartists, known under the name "simplification of the party system
In other words, with the organization of the strength of the people against the bureaucracy - agent of foreign capitalism - parties which fulfill their revolutionary calling are needed, revolutionary and progressive par-
An organization of revolutionary and progressive parties must be created from within the present parties.
We ourselves cannot tolerate the attempt to liquidate the parties which wage a revolutionary and progressive fight, and the simplification of the party system has to be realized from below, in a true development. Ihese things cannot be organized from above, cannot be con-
A fusion between parties which is not a true one, is in fact no progress but, on the contrary, a retrogression. This is illustrated by the developments with the national bourgeoisie's parties. The Catholic Party and the Christian Indonesian Party (PARKINDO) certainly fight against a fusion, even while both parties profess the Christian religion of the prophet Jesus.
Both nationalist parties, the National Party of Indonesia (PNI) and Indonesia Party (PARTINDO) are very difficult to fuse. The same difficulties we observe with the Islamic parties. The Nahdatul Ulama (NU), orthodox islamic party, already put up a clear fight against a reunion with the Masjumi in one islamic party. The same applies to the PERTI, PS, etc.
Between the parties of socialist-communist or Marxist-Leninist character there are several differences which cannot be reconciled. The MURBA party cannot be fused with the Socialist Party of Indonesia (PSI). We also observe differences between the ACOMA Party and the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). The ACOMA Party and the PKI I). The ACOMA Party and the PKI are both based on Marxism-Leninism. Still there are fundamental differences between them. 1. The PKI is already contented when the national bourgeoisie follows the policy of not contradicting to reach this the PKI does not shrink from sacrificing the interests and needs of the mass of Indonesian workers and peasants. In the context of this policy the PKI chose the path of liquidating the revolution of August 1945, with Linggardjati and Renville, because according to the PKI, at that time the Soviet
Union was not yet ready for all eventualities. in the context of this policy the PKI chose the path ot the Madiun revolt because, according to the PKI, in
1948 the Soviet-Union was again strong enough.
Essentially, the PKI took up its defensive and offensive position, not by weighing and starting from the potentialities of the mass of the Indonesian peo-
59 ple, but of those of the Soviet Union. Thus in the years that followed the revolition of August the PKI, with its position of supporting Linggardjati-Renville, acted below the capacities of the mass of the people. In the Madiun affair the PKI on the contrary acted above the capacities of the people.
The retreat of the PKI caused damage, while its going forward caused damage too. The PKI thus only caused damage in all respects. 2. The PKI observes the development towards a compromise between the Soviet Union and America. In order not to disturb this compromise, the PKI acts moderately and makes broad concessions to the national bourgeoisie. Treading this defensive path the
PKI is not averse to suppressing the unsatisfied feelings of its followers. II). The PKI has no critical attitude in face of the internal developments of the workers' states. Whatever is ordered by Moscow, is law to the PKI. The PKI for instance a priori fights Trotskyism and Titoism because that is the standpoint of the people in authority in the Soviet Union. The ACOMA Party has not got that at-
The ACOMA Party has to fulfill the task of exchanging the bonapartist national bourgeois government for a people's government without capitalism, while in this free choice the ACOMA Party leads the revolutionary development not from the viewpoint of the capacities of the Soviet Union, but from those of the mass of the Indonesian people. It acknowledges that the Indonesian revolution is part of the world revolution, but it wants it to be known that the Indonesian revolution is an important part of the world revolution.
That is the way for the Soviet Union and the other workers' states to help Indonesian revolutionary development effectively. What clearly sacrifices the interests of the revolution is not our way. Our way is: to lead this revolution and to wrench the revolutionary leadership from the hands of the national bourgeoisie. Of course we must accept what is good in the political coördination between the workers' states and the national bourgeoisie(s) which have become the government, but this political coördination is insufficient to make us accept that the bonapartist national bourgeoisie should settle solidly in the revolutionary leadership, because as long as the revolutionary leadership is in the hands of this bonapartist national bourgeoisie, our revolution will not develop fast and the counter-revolution cannot be liquidated soon.
The ACOMA Party stands on the side of the workers' states and the revolution for liberation, in the struggle against the pressure and the attacks of capitalism and imperialism. In these matters the ACOMA Party goes together with the PKI. But meanwhile the ACOMA Party has a critical and objective point of view concerning the developments and internal contradictions of the workers' states. Here the ACOMA Party differs from the PKI.
The fundamental differences between both parties cannot, in fact, be overcome by fusing the two parties. From our point of view the national bourgeoisie which cannot overcome the fundamental differences between its parties within one party - so that the national bourgeoisie is compelled to struggle organized in several parties - has no moral right to force a liquidation ur
simplification of parties which touches the position and the rôle of the ACOMA Party as a communist party. The widening of the sector: national economy
Apart from the differences, competition and intrigues between the various groups and parties, which every. where give rise to many subjective considerations and it is necessary to put forward here the progress in the internal national development, which in an objective sense certainly cannot be neglected. The action of the working mass in 1945 which confiscated the capitalist concerns of the rulers was beaten back by the counter-revolution, which was fostered by the socialdemocrats and the Stalinists (PKI) who collaborated with the ruling capitalists. At the end of 1957 the working mass again came into action, and this time it limited itself to the concerns of Dutch capital. While the counter-revolutionary side went its own way and wanted again to break the action of the working mass, this time, however, it did not attain its purpose fully.
They (the counter-revolutionaries) only suceeded in watering down the principle of confiscation into the principle of nationalization. This means that the working mass finally has become ideologically more mature than before, but not yet sufficiently mature to conquer the leadership of the revolution.
Thanks to the above-mentioned action of the working mass in 1957, the national (public) sector of the Indonesian economy has become wider. We have a collective approach to protect the results of this struggle of the working mass. And everything which is attained has to be used as a starting point to continue the revolution. On this pressure of the working mass, the government has already acted as an active agent in export and import matters by the formation of eight national corpo-
Anyhow these national corporations are a progressive development. But with the nationalization of the Dutch concerns and with the establishment of the national corporations for export and import we are still far from a just and prosperous society.
The national bourgeoisie (which failed to become national capitalists along the way of liberal democracy) which now wants to maintain itself in the world of guided democracy, keeps battening like a parasite on and around the already nationalized business concerns and national corporations which were recently formed by the government.
As supplier, contractor and wholesale dealer the national bourgeoisie continues its cold practices. The ideology of the national bourgeoisie still has a great influence on the way of thinking and working of the leaders in national business concerns. Under the influence and the pressure of the national bourgeoisie, the leaders in the national business concerns everywhere lay the basis for and protect the intrigues of the bourgeoisie, which considers the national companies only as a field for corruption and for enriching themselves by sacrificing the interests and needs of the working people.
In order properly to take care of production so that it can equal and surpass the pre-war level, the abovementioned infection has to be extirpated. To maintain and develop the results of the revolution, revolutionary preparedness is needed. Here we have to fight for the participation of the working mass in the control of
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL personnel, production and distribution matters of the
The energy and creative potential of the workers has to be stimulated and led in a proper way. Here we need a council of workers - or whatever name it can give - in which the representatives of the workers are sitting beside the leadership of the concerns, companies and businesses. One can surmise beforehand that the national bourgeoisie will fight, obstruct and sabotage, in various ways, every step towards the formation and competition of this council of workers. To fight the ideology and the intrigues of the national bourgeoisie in and around the national business concerns, we need very much unity of action among the organization of the working mass. This unity of action has to be realized in the context of a front of proletarians, peasants and soldiers, directed towards a people's government without capitalism. The need for unity of action, in maintaining and broadening the results of the mass movement compels us to broaden the activity of the parties around the trade unions.
The infection which disturbs the economy - and which we dealt with before - may not be considered unimportant, the more so because the danger of foreign capital investments can still provide a good soil for that infection which we have to extirpate. Besides Dutch capital, which is not yet wholly nationalized, there still other foreign capital the position of which is still unimpeded. The laws on foreign capital investment still permit additions to foreign capital investment. It is now in our interest that the workers collectively demand the annulment of the laws on foreign capital investment, together with the broadening of the national sector of our
The increase of production, efficiency and cleanliness in the nationalized sector of the economy will, in the present circumstances, have a big influence on the development of the corporations. As long as the public sector of the economy is not cleansed from destructive lice, the corporations will be directly and indirectly be forced to work under the supervision of foreign capitalist economy, which is fundamentally hostile to the coöperative economy. There is a national way to secure the development of the corporations, but for that purpose the public sector of the economy itself must be secure and healthy, so that the hopes of the vast majority of the people will be fulfilled. The question of the national front
To overcome the sharp controversies in the body of the nation, together with the consolidation of the national strength, the bonapartists come forward with tha slogan of national unity for which purpose they want to have a sort of national front.
In all national fronts led by bonapartists there is a tendency to castrate the working class by means of decrees to diminish the class controversies in the body of the nation, in other words to excuse the twistings of the national bourgeoisie, which amounts to sacrificing the interests and needs of the workers. And it is clear that by sacrificing these interests the national interests are not served. After the bitter experiences we had in several national fronts during our revolution, it is necessary to put forward our firm opinion that in principle we do not want a national front led by bona-
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL artists. In the present circumstances we devote our elves whollv to the formation of a workers' front. consis front of wards a pes, pes ants med soldiers, at capitalism, and nothing else. The question of the workers front
The workers' front which we are now organizing is far from perfect, so that it still cannot be used as a force which can determine the development of this country.
Our attention has to be drawn to the mass of proletarians, peasants and soldiers. This attention must be given the concrete form of an energetic support of the mass, which holds firmly to the solution (i e, in the endeavour to solve several problems, the solution of which has become its task).
A permanent compass must be: the unity of action which is a vital question for proletariat, peasants and soldiers. This unity of action - a permanent supporting belt - has to be used so that it can be combined with the political action of criticising the ideology and policy of the national bourgeoisie. In this way the mass of proletarians, peasants and soldiers must be prepared to move towards a people's government without capitalism. The activity of criticising the ideology and policy of the national bourgeoisie must be increased among the mass of proletarians, peasants and soldiers. This activity is realise a sovereign (peoples) policy, free from the influence of the bonapartist national bourgeoisie. The system of people's democracy has to be propagated. The weakness of Soekarno's guided democracy must be criticised and the danger of the junta must be fought. We have to be conscious of the necessity to bein the revolutionary activity seriously in a workers ront which embraces that mass of proletarians, peasants and soldiers.
Many of the young intellectuals who are poor o nemployed are attracted by revolutionary work. Along various roads and for various motives, they must be led into a worker's front. For the administration and organization of the Party, the general and specialist schooling of the members, for editing matters and for our relations with the international workers.
Within the context of the return to the Constitution of 1945
The PKI expects much from Soekarno's guided democracy. According to the world of thought of the PKI, Soekarno is needed as a shield against the danger of a junta, and according to the conviction of the PKI the present situation is a period of transition towards a gotong-rojong cabinet la solidarity cabinet, cabinet of mutual assistance (note of translator)], where the PKI will also get a place in the government. In order to attain this the PKI already pushes Soekarno forward as the expert on the unity of the Indonesian people, as the only leader who can conquer the present national difficulties. Soekarno's bonapartism seduces the PKI and the PKI welcomes with gladness the concept of a national front under the bonapartist leadership of Soekarno.
We have already explained the point of view of the ACOMA Party in all these matters.
It is clear that under the flag of "back to the womb of the motherland" the counter-revolutionaries join with bureaucratic elements and continue the rôle which they already played in the context of the constitution of 1945.
The antithesis between revolution and counterrevolution will certainly continue in the ensuing period with undiminished sharpness. In the following periods the antithesis between revolution and counter-revolution will certainly continue with undiminished sharpness in the body of the Indonesian Republic.
The sharper the controversies become the clearer is shown that bonapartism is not the way to solve problems. The best blueprint which the National Planning Council can make, cannot be realised to the advantage of the people, even it this road be taken. The ideology of the bourgeoisie cannot be used to advance a just and prosperous society. The recent financial operation of the government, which placed monetary matters above matters of production and distribution, is a sufficiently clear proof. All this forces us all to prepare ourselves for a peoples' government without capitalism.
This road is not an easy one, but it is the only way
Djakarta, 7 October 1959.