OLD-LINE STALINISTS CHALLENGE TOGLIATTI LEADERSHIP
At the end of January the Italian Communist Party will hold its IXth national congress. Three years have passed since the VIllth congress, which met in December, under the direct influence of the Stalinist crisis and the
Hungarian events. On that occasion the leadinsin the
succeeded in maintaining its control of the Party of the latterly widespread feelings of dissatisfaction. main trends of the economic and political situation, then trankly unfavorable to the workers' struggles, aided the leading bureaucracy in two ways: by limiting the discussion through the absence on Party work of many rank-and-file militants (undoubtedly the majority of the membership), who became disillusioned and collapsed in passivity; and, on the other hand, by favoring the acceptance of and giving apparently some foundation to Togliatti's new theories about the "democratic way to socialism."
The objective situation favoured at any rate a principle of political differentation in the leading bodies; so, to the Right of Togliatti, a Right-wing composed mainly of intellectuals and of petty bourgeois elements revealed itself This tendency, after some months of disorganized struggle, dissolved and most of its adherents joined the Socialist party. But the most important dissensions arose in the inner leading group. A tendency of old Stalinist diehard opposed Togliatti's new course " in the leadership of the Party, demanding the continuation of the old methods of bureaucratic, Stalinist management. Togliatti's "new course' was in no way an advance toward Party democracy: it was only an intelligent, neo-Stalinist method, securing the political monopoly of the party machine through some
forms of constitutionality, some verbal guarantees of political dissent, a new style of dealing with party members. The old Stalinist wing, reflecting in its positions some of the views of the French Stalinists like Thorez, opposed Togliatti's course as too advanced; it did not dare to bring these dissentions into the open, and so Togliatti was able to evict its members from the leading Party bodies, fining them to a body of resounding name but till then of no practical importance, Central Control Commission. But the group of the - as they are nained - gave new impulsion and activity to the sleeping machine of this Commission, and succeeded in running it as a second Party leadership, so counteracting of Togliatti's group. This situation is now approaching a showdown: the ' Togliatti group is instancing its successes of recent years, which have brought the Party out of the difficult and menacing situation of three years ago. In spite of the fact that these successes are due Totiattis political mind, his group how finds itself its og course of events far more than to the merits of enough to eliminate his opponents.
So the main theme at the central committee meeting preparing the Congress, and in the documents proposed bich is cun strand the sidelopment dhe Party"
new policy, and "retarded" the realization of the congress resolutions, both in inner-party life and in political action within the country. This is really a declaration of war against anorsymous people, who, every Party member with some information identify as the "elders" of Scoccimarro (their outstanding political figure). In any event the openly explode; Togliatti has no interest in this, and the "elders" will be faithful to their ultra-bureaucratic mentality. Moreover, they could not find any support among the rank-and-file: Togliatti and his main assistant, Amendola, are launching a campaign for the "renovation" he Party, with the object of gaining the enthusiasm of the rank-and-file and of isolating their enemies.
Thus the Congress will presumably be controlled by he group of Togliatti, who will carry out a "renovation of the party, that is, some democratic concessions within the limits of the survival of bureaucratic rule. Togliatti and Amendola think that in this way they will give some courage to the membership, and will avoid the spread of critical thinking about the uncertainty of their political
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL perspectives; and, at the same time, bureaucratic dissension with Scoccimarro.
But what are the general perspectives of the Party in the Italian situation? The documents, merely exaggerating the successes of the party in the last period, and presenting its situation in a propagandistic and distorted manner, contain nevertheless important admissions: thus it is revealed that the membership has been reduced by 247,000 (from two millions to 1,750,000 in round figures); that the militancy of the rank-and-file is now lower than three years ago, when this question was already grave; that the strength of the Party in industrial activity has been still further reduced (in reality there are no party cells in most industrial establishments). As to future activity, the documents reveal that the party has not succeeded in carrying on its "anti-monopolist" policy, and has not sufficiently counteracted the social and political pressure of the dynamism of the big monopolies. These are precious admissions, because, with these negative remarks, the great victor no elise is ae reduced the pretocratic shay under
But nowise is the policy of the discussion. The Togliatti leadership will move even further along this road than in its position of 1956. Now the main perspective hinges on "broad alliances" of the middle class with the workers' Parties, on a program of anti-monopolistic policy. Big "democratic steps forward" are announced in this way. In reality there are no symptoms of such developments, nor in a theoretical analysis can Togliatti's forecast be maintained. Togliatti is theorizing from a particular experience, that of the regional government of Sicily, where a group of dissident Christian-Democrats, leaning towards the Right, is in power with the votes of the Left. This is a very complicated situation, which cannot be analyzed here, but which is evidently possible only n the peculiar political terms of a backward country such as Sicily. The theories and the forecast of the Stalinist leadership have no place in Italian national reality, and will serve no purpose except to cover the lack of real political perspectives and the opportunistic maneuvers with which Togliatti seeks to get out of his impasse. His political formulas already came under fire at the last central committee meeting, where some of his firmest associates have denounced their imprecision — a well calculated imprecision. The Congress will deal with Togliatti's program — and undoubtedly will accept it. But reality will soon demonstrate its deficiency.