THE SITUATION AND TASKS
IN PRESENT-DAY JAPAN
(Excerpts from Draft Theses)
By TK
34. After the zigzag of right opportunism (19451950) and left adventurism (1951-1954), the CP s at present in a right opportunist stage tor the second time. The CP leadership, unable to bring the internal dynamics of the Japanese revolunamics of the world revolution, is exploiting the working-class movement under its leadership ir the interests of the privileged bureaucracy of the US SR, concretely, the bureaucratic aims of the Kremlin. These betrayals are their fundamental aims.
Because of the duality of the Soviet bureau. cracy that defends its privileges against both imperialism and the Russian working class, the duality of Stalinism, of Kremlin diplomatic policies, parallel to its domestic policies, has alternately adopted right opportunism and conciliation with imperialism in the period of the relative stability of its domination, and adopted left adventurism in the period of its crisis and perturbation and the rise of the mass movement. And in these processes it has dealt an enormous blow to the revolutionary struggle of the masses and produced one of the main causes of its defeat. Its zigzags between ultra-right and ultra-left are characteristic of the history of the Japanese CP since the war and its fundamental attitude in the present situation. Therefore, while the CP is not an accessory of bourgeois democracy as retormism is, and moreover is not the political expression of the labor aristocracy, it is defined as the centrist workers' party representing the interests of the privileged bureaucracy — a labor aristocracy parasitic on the workers' state in our working-class movement.
35. The defense of the workers' states by the C Ps cannot organize and lead the masses to the struggle for the overthrow of imperialism, liberate all the potential energy of the Japanese revolutionary movement, and combine itself with the advances of the communist revolution. Their defense is to bring pressure on imperialism and oblige it to conciliate with the USSR by the peace struggle" or by stirring up adventurist riots. In both cases, the working class and its aims 1 For the first part, see our Spring issue.
are forgotten. In the first, the basis is the maintenance of the status quo of the privileged Kremlin bureaucracy against the enemy in front and in back of it. In the second, the basis is an ultimatism by the bureaucracy that disregards the experiences of the working class and the rhythm of its spontaneity, and uses imperativism to the masses in the class struggle.
Many workers and intellectuals join the CP with the idea of inheriting the October Revolution and fighting under the banner of communism. But their revolutionary efforts are lost in the periodic zigzags of the CP leadership, and they are kept from maturing as revolutionary militants inside the mass movement, they grow corroded and lose their energies. But the CP, unlike the SP, is not parasitical on the bourgeois-democratic regime. Therefore it is not yet a permanent accessory of imperialism. And it must not be ignored that it is able to express under certain circumstances the interests of the anti-imperialist struggle for socialism by the masses. Good examples of this are in China, Korea, Vietnam, Jugoslavia, etc. In order to represent the interests of the privileged bureaucracy of the workers' states in our working-class movement, it is necessary for the Japanese CP, as an intermediary, to win over a definite number of worker militants withdrawn from the influence of bourgeois democracy and the Social-Democracy. This is the basis of the dual character of the Japanese CP. And this duality is different from that in the workers' states. This fact appears concretely in the CP's relations with the SP and the political forces of the petty bourgeoisie. These relations find expression on the one hand in the Popular Front, and on the other in the theory of Social-Fascism. In the former, the C P makes an effort to sell the workers under its influence to the Social-Democracy. In the latter, the C P launches to millions of workers under the influence of the Social-Democracy the ultimatum that they must fight under CP leadership, without united actions.
In order to put into practice such zigzag manoeuvres corresponding to Kremlin diplomacy, the CP needs an organization of worker militants separated from the Social-Democracy. Therein lies the particular dual character of the C P in our country. During a rise in the revolutionary mass
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL movement, this duality drove the C Ps of China and Jugoslavia to the conquest of power, against Kremlin diplomacy. This duality also defines the ence, the practice of left adventurism, the interdiction of democracy, and the completeness of bureaucratization in the party had reduced the membership of the CP so that it could not have an influence in the mass movement. Though it is hardly necessary to mention that it was a change in the Kremlin's diplomatic policy that caused the CP's shift from left adventurism to right opportunism, its restoration of strength to a certain extent shows us that even passively the CP is dependent not only on the Kremlin's policy but also on the revolutionary workers' movement. Without its influence in the revolutionary workers' movement, the CP does not have the means to bring the Kremlin policy to the masses. Therefore the CP leadership makes efforts to give some partial democracy in party life to the rank-and-file members in order to liberate the energy of the revolutionary militants capable of spreading through the mass movement.
36. But the democratization of party life is going beyond the limits aimed at by the CP leadership at the VIth National Conference. It is stimulated by the real commencement of political revolution in the workers' states, the might of the world revolution - for example, the rapid development of the Arab colonial revolution, particularly in Algeria - and the start of the revolutionary transformation of our working-class movement since 1957. The main body of militant members began to criticize the complete incapacity of CP leadership in the mass movement. These militants, rooted in the mass movement, are unconsciously contrasting the CP tops' dependence on the Kremlin with the interests of the revolutionary class - this reflects the rise of the lower working masses in the CP. Their ideology is pulling away from Stalinism. In this field too the international decline of Staspreading. Concretely the decline of Stalinism is expressed, not in the weakness of the CP as a whole, but as a decline in the authority of the CP tops and the relative intensity of the main body of the militant cadres. These facts show that the relationship of contradictory forces inside the C P is changing a little in favor of the confused revolutionary-worker members. Thus efforts to examine the traditional theory of revolution have been begun by these members for their own reorientation, and are spreading rapid-
37. The tradition of the October Revolution and the strategies and tactics of Bolshevik-Leninism were never digested by the CP before the
41 war. Though the revolutionary upsurge after the war organized several tens of thousands of revolutionary workers in the CP and infused fresh energy into it, the Stalinist leadership established complete domination over the new forces and barred the way through which the members could reach Bolshevism.
The discussion about the strategies and tactics of Bolshevism — the tactics for the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship - begun by the Comintern and continued by the International Left Opposition and the Fourth International, has been sincerely opened up inside the CP against the background of the struggle of the CP opposition against left adventurism (1950-1954), real decline of Stalinism, and the world revolution since 1953. Its key point is to oppose to the Popular Front the winning over of the masses to the revolutionary orientation through the Leninist united front, and to oppose to left adventurism the preparation of the serious insurrection for the conquest of power; and to understand and be certain about the above problems in the victorious revolutions and the defeated revolutions since the October Revolution.
38. It is the present duty of the Japanese section of the Fourth International to give conscious leadership to the spontaneous revolutionary tendencies in the left wing of the SP and its periphery, among the worker militants of the CP, and among the revolutionary students, in order to infuse them systematically with Bolshevism, to render them more intense and conscious. For these purposes the Japanese section, strictly maintaining its own independent organization, makes efforts inside these parties are to intensify the spontaneous opposition of the rank and file toward the top leaderships, and to accelerate the leftward trend of the masses. The period before the Second World War was characterized by the recession and decline of the world revolution; but the present period, when the Third World War is being prepared, is characterized by an upsurge of the world revolution. On the basis of the general the interence of present period, the masses ander parties show a tendency to come into collision with their leaderships, and to sweep over them in waves at times of periodic revolutionary upsurge. Such a perspective is the basis for the entrist activities of our section inside the CP and SP. Objective conditions, ripe for the socialist revolution, give powertul impetus to the development of the revolutionary eadership that possesses the idea and programme tionary party of restored Bolshevism. For at each of the Fourth International — the new revolu
42 step in the development of the revolutionary mass struggle, to which the leaderships of the traditional workers' parties are opposed, it is revealed that they are opposed to the interests of the working class, and inevitably mistrust for their leaderships and hope for a new leadership will be cultivated among the militants.
From 1946 to 1949, the worker militants put their confidence in the CP and looked to the CP's leadership. But they were cruelly betrayed. During the Korean War (1951-1954), the active workers turned with high expectations to the left SP. But there also they were betrayed. Today many active workers have no contidence in the traditional leaderships. This feeling is expressed in the spreading of non-party vanguard groups, a typical one being the Revolutionary Group (Kakudo) of the National Railway Trade Union (the Kokutetsu). Though they gradually approach the uP and part of them identify themselves with the Ut, they maintain a critical attitude toward the CP leadership. In regard to CP and SP workers, the situation is the same. To broaden such opposition between them and their leaderships and to exploit it in favor of the establishment of a genuine revolutionary leadership: such are the aims of the entrism of the Japanese sec-
39. Concerning this operation inside the CP, it should be noted that the difference between the CP and Bolshevism has three aspects:
The first is the CP's lack of internationalism, a failure to understand our revolution as being a link in the chain of world revolution. This produces a national-socialist supposition that the world revolution is the arithmetical total of national revolutions.
The second is the CP's renunciation in substance of the independence of the proletariat and the socialist revolution. This produces a submission to bourgeois radicalism. arianism. This produces a failure to understand thạt the proletariat sets up, as opposed to the present state apparatus, the soviet, the highest form of the workers' united front.
These tendencies are expressed in all the documents of the Japanese C P, including the Draft Programme. During the internal struggle of 19501951 and the internal struggle caused by the discussion of the Draft Programme, the bureaucracy always insisted on these three tendencies, that cannot be separated one from another in the system of Stalinism. But the opposition, which strives hard to escape from the vise of Stalinism but is fundamentally chained to Stalinism, could raise only partial objections to the bureaucrats. Though a part of the opposition emphasizes the world revolutionary viewpoint, even its members cannot
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL see through the essence of the Kremlin's "peaceful coexistence." Some emphasize "class contradictions" and criticize the tops from the point of view that it is necessary to concentrate the main body of the party's strength on the development working-class struggles. Others are opposed to parliamentarianism but forget the idea of the soviets. Both in the 1950-1951 period and at present, the bureaucrats are united in their opinions, while the oppositions are disconnected one from another. Only Bolshevism against Stalinism, only the standpoint of the Fourth International against that of the degenerated Cominwill be able to unite the oppositions on the revolutionary. course.
The activities of the section inside the C P are, not only to criticize erroneous courses generally and theoretically, but also to struggle against the expression of erroneous tendencies in the concrete problems of the class struggle, to make contact with broad strata of the oppositions in process of differentiating themselves from Stalinism, to influence them by opposing to Stalinism the correct revolutionary orientation, and thus to accelerate their progress to Bolshevism. Accordingly, in the CP we do not limit ourselves to simple objections and simple persuasion, but must participate in the real mass movement — including the peace movements — with the CP rank and file, and in their midst make efforts to get the militants to advance to the revolutionary course. In this process, on the one hand we get into close contact with a large part of the critical active elements, and on the other we strengthen the Japanese section with the best elements from among them. Only this process will permit us to form the bases for the new revolutionary leadership out of CP members.
40. Concerning the operation inside the SP. Since the unification of 1955, it is evident that the leaders of the SP left wing are healing their break with the right wing. Thus the left wing is also decisively included in the non-governmental party in the bourgeois democratic regime. But on the other hand it is also undeniable that the lower strata of workers under the influence of the SP left wing are turning leftward in accordance with the development of the class struggle. This contradiction is expressed in the gap between SOHYO and the SP. The members of the SP left wing who occupy the majority in the SOHYO leadership are on the one hand confronted by the attacks of the ruling class that wants to crush and mutilate SOYO by the agency of ZENRO, and on the other hand obliged to make leftish gestures to avoid pressure from the lower militant cadres who want to resist the oppressions of the ruling class by means of the united front of the working class. They are reluctantly obliged to criticize to
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL some extent the parliamentarianism of the SP, as they are the unwilling conveyors of the revolutionary energy of the lower masses.
The origin of the oscillation of the party lies in the fact that the workers under its influence, particularly its left wing, wish to stand up against the capitalists, to climb over the limitations of the party system. In the SP too there is a growing distrust of the leadership — including its left — among the lower militants. They begin to be conscious of the truth that a leadership suited to present conditions must be different from the present leadership. Hence unification of the new left, whose basis is more proletarian and more vigorous, is now on the agenda.
The task of the section inside the SP is to launch itself into party life as the perfect extreme left, to maintain its independent organization in spite of mingling closely with broad elements of the varying centrist lefts and keeping the worker militants who want a revolutionary policy and leadership from settling down into centrism. Our task in the S P is not to yield to the pressure of its reformist leadership, but on the contrary to join the leftward-turning worker militants, put ourselves at their head, and thereby struggle effectively against the reformist leadership.
Because there is not a genuine revolutionary mass party in the working-class movement, part of the worker militants who are in the process of escaping from reformism are now under the ideological influence of the C P. Concerning this tendency, at present inevitable, it is the task of the Japanese section to explain concretely and earnestly how harmful it is to pass from reformism — a form of petty-bourgeois tendency — to Stalinism — another form of petty-bourgeois tendency _ and to indicate the revolutionary road of escape from reformism under the concrete conditions of the class struggle.
41. Our activity for the construction of the Japanese section as a revolutionary mass party is at present to integrate with the militants of the shakane tendency baani ename fourth interna- them an untional and identified with its organization, and to further the leftward trend of broad strata of critical militants. Only by means of the organization of the independent revolutionary elements inside the traditional workers' parties, will it be possible to exploit exhaustively the first phase of the collision between the enormous upsurge of millions of workers and the present leadership, in favor of advancing on the road to the establishment of a new revolutionary leadership inheriting .. e the traditions of Bolshevism.
In our activities inside the SP and CP, our practice shall be such that the questions not only of how to win and organize the first new cadres
43 of the Japanese section, but also of how to attract a large number of worker militants in the traditional parties to the revolutionary will be resolved. From the latter point of view. it is very important to establish the independent organization of our section inside the S P. Because the overwhelming majority of leading posts in the trade unions are occupied by SP members, and nine tenths of the working class are under the SP's political influence. Hence it happens that, when the trade-union activists turn left, the organization armed with the revolutionary programme can play a decisive role if at the head of the masses. This possibility will become more probable when the influence of the revolutionary tendency within the CP will be stronger. For then it will be less probable that masses who get clear of reformism will be attracted by Stalinism.
43. There is an undeniable possibility that another party, different from both the CP and the SP, a centrist party, will be born in the process of realignment in building the revolutionary leadership. If the waves of revolutionary upsurge are not rapid and the influence of the BolshevikLeninists in them is not powerful, it is possible that the left turn of the masses may not be directly crystalized into the establishment of a new revolutionary mass party, but may produce a split in the SP and the reappearance of the Left Social-Democratic Party. In the light of the history of the Left SP from 1951 to 1955, the decisive task under these conditions would be to give an active orientation to this fluid and formless centrist party — including to part of the worker militants through independent propaganda, taking the initiative of pushing it to the left so that it does not settle down into centrism.
43. By its activities inside the traditional or future unrevolutionary workers' parties and its activities in attracting worker militants to the revolutionary programme, the building of a revolutionary party conscious of the true interests of the working class and capable of achieving them is prepared. The more rapidly and exhaustively these preparations in both entrist and independent activities are carried out, the more rapidly the revolutionary movement of the masses develops and the time tor building the party at the level of the standard of class consciousness approaches.
44. The attacks of the ruling class against the working class incessantly oblige the masses to broaden and unify their front. In the trade unions - that were organized as a primitive form of united front for economic partial demands — there will begin to be pressure from below for their breaking out of their own framework. For in the imperialist epoch, though it happens on the one hand that the trade unions become accessory
44 to the bourgeois state apparatus, they have on the other hand a tendency to develop into a higher workers' front in opposition to the bourgeoisie. It is one of the main tasks of the Japanese section to accelerate this tendency with all its strength, so as to enroll the traditional leadership in this united front. Only in this anti-capitalist united front whose highest form is the soviet and whose appearance signifies the beginning of the revolutionary situation, will the revolutionary leadership, whether long prepared or newly born, be given the chance to unite the working class as a whole on its programme in order to make the revolution victorious.
V. PROGRAMME OF TRANSITIONAL
DEMANDS - TACTICS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PROLETARIAT
44. The strategic task of the Japanese section is the overthrow of capitalism. The objective conditions for the revolution are completely ripe, but the building of the revolutionary leadership of the proletariat is not yet accomplished. It is a central task of the future to resolve this contradiction, to raise the proletariat to the level necessary for its historic mission.
Therefore it is necessary to start out with the everyday form of the class struggle — the direct demands of the masses - and lead on to the strategy of the socialist revolution. Just to follow the present demands of the masses, their present level of class consciousness, while merely talking about the programme of socialism, is not the correct attitude.
It is necessary to help the masses to find the bridge between the revolutionary proquiremeat Thie le gramme for socialism and the actual requirements of the masses in everyday struggles. This bridge must contain the
Phat come into existence from the preeds
conditions and present consciousness of broad strata of the working class and lead to the conquest of power — the final single conclusion. "
The task of revolutionary tactics is to start out from present demands, to develop the anti-capitalist struggle of the workers in every field, to mobilize all strata to the revolutionary movement, and to build the unity of the working class. The general conditions for the transitional demands are the death agony of capitalism, the constant instability of the living standards of the whole working class and the toiling people, and the impossibility for capitalism to grant fundamental reforms to the working class as a whole. On the *The Death Agony of Capitalism and The Tasks of The Fourth International (The "Transitional Programme," drafted by Leon Trotsky.)
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL basis of these objective conditions, the struggle of the masses demanding some concessions from the bourgeoisie meets with an extraordinary resistance from the capitalists and inevitably contains the tendency to develop into political class struggle. This fact means bankruptcy for reformism, which builds a Chinese Wall between economic and revolutionary political struggles. Economic struggles whose aims are those of large strata of the workers will inevitably come into collision with the capitalist united front backed by state power. Experience with such struggles makes the workers conscious of the need of class struggle.
These situations are analogous to those affecting scores of millions of laboring people. The aspiration for peace felt by many petty bourgeois, when it rises high, is obliged to come into collision with the imperalists' determination to make war preparations, and therefore is obliged to unite with the working class, the only class capable of overthrowing imperialism. Only the bourgeoisie makes profits out of the counter-revolutionary aggressive war against the workers' states. The working class and petty bourgeoisie — including its upper strata — do not make profits out of this war. These objective conditions force the petty bourgeoisie, in its struggle for peace, to oppose the bourgeoisie and overthrow it under the leadership of the working class.
45. In order to develop the struggle of the working class, the Japanese section puts forward the following demands:
1) Without reduction of wages, a 40-hour week in the big enterprises with maintenance of full employment, a 44-hour week in the middle and small enterprises, and a 30-hour week for definitely dangerous work, mining, and heavy physical labor. The national and local trade-union organizations must have the right to supervise the real application of the foregoing working hours. Without permission of the national and local trade-union organizations, the capitalists must not make workers work overtime; and the trade-union organizations should not permit the capitalists to make workers do overtime if there are any unemployed.
2) À minimum living wage for the legal hours worked by all strata of the working class. Eight thousand yen per month [$22.25; £8] should be the minimum base wage for legal working hours for 18-year-old, unskilled, unmarried workers of either sex. State subsidy should be provided for small enterprises to the degree permitted by a committee in which the workers' should be represented.
3) By means of agreements between the national and local organizations of the trade unions and the capitalist organizations, there should be pro-
of income of the bourgeois owners, and to deter- mined by collective agreements between the
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL hibited all discrimination between regular and occasional workers in wages, working conditions, and all other conditions affecting the lives of the workers.
4) The national unification (at above the highest standard of the present system) of all social insurance (health insurance, annuities, accident t, cos The administrative mad in ery of social insurance should be put under the control of the trade unions, the peasants, and other sectors of the people.
5) When the capitalist class adopts a policy of inflation, wages should move on a sliding scale with prices according to collective agreement. But this sliding scale agreement for the object of protecting the already achieved standard of wages should not contain any limitation of workers struggles to raise the basic wage.
6) The struggle of a united front of the entire class — including the highest form of struggle — against all attempts to restrict the legal and substantive rights of the trade unions. Against the fierce offensive of the capitalist class, making use of state power, the trade unions should conduct a basic struggle to develop the energy of the majority of the middle and lower strata of workers in an incessant fight against a class-collaborationist course, and should carry out a complete democratization and industrial unification on a national scale of their own organizations, which root themselves in local committees of coöperative struggle, whose highest form is the soviet. Such a unification of the trade unions enables them to utilize such powerful weapons as industry-wide and general strikes.
7) As the capitalist class wants always to beat back even modest demands by the workers unless they use force, the forms of struggle of the workers tend to develop from the traditional strike to the sit-down strike, that means occupation of the plant for a time. In such a step it is absolutely necessary to organize a factory committee elected by all the employees. With the hegemony of the middle and lower strata, who are the overwhelming majority of the employees, the factory committee challenges and resists the capitalist management and produces an embryo of 2u'a Prohibition of business secrecy; and workers' control of production. The contradiction between the social character of production and private ownership of the means of production loads on the working class and the other toiling masses an intolerable burden. It is therefore necessary set up a workers' control committee based on the factory committee, to bring to light all the sources mine the quantity of products wasted as a result of the basis of oden an and the suit ong colit. can struggle for a workers' planned economy against unemployment. And in the process of this struggle the demand will be raised that the state should confiscate any factories closed by the capitalists during depressions and let the workers manage them.
9) The confiscation by the state of the great monopolies that concentrate enormous wealth at the expense of the workers, peasants, and other toilers who are thereby impoverished. Confiscation by the state of mining, electricity, steel, pris is railway, fertilizer, and other industries. see or with an impe rament in standard he onlv road to the raising of and an increase in employment, in these industries, where the contradiction between private monopoly and the working class and laboring people generally is becoming, aggravated. This contradiction can be resolved in a progressive trot and the establishment of a wof ers and peasants' government that secures it.
10) The workers' struggle for the defense and extension of the right to work against unemployment and high prices is impossible and defeated in advance until there is a direct struggle against finance capital, the real ruler of our country. It is necessary to confiscate the private banks, to concentrate them into a single national bank, and to establish a strict control by the workers over this all-powerful force.
11) The organization of workers' militias as the only serious insurance of freedom of assembly and press for the workers' organizations. Without the development of workers self-defense corps, it is impossible for the workers to fight against monopoly capitalism's fascist gangs of thugs. All strikes and demonstrations should be defended by the workers' own forces against the fascist offensive.
46. In order to develop the anti-capitalist struggle by the peasants and the laboring people of the villages, the Japanese section proposes the following programme of transitional demands:
1) National autonomous organizations of the peasants against the exploitation of the bourgeoisie and the state, and mutual aid between the peasants and workers.
2) Concretely, the price of crops (such as tobacco and sweet potatoes) and livestock must be set at a level capable of making up for the cost of production, by negotiations between the peasants' autonomous organizations and the capital-
3) The price of rice and wheat must be deter-
46 peasants' representatives and the government, above the level capable of making up for the cost t production. The price of rice should be on a liding scale in connection with the wages of the workers or compensated by the government until such a scale is established.
4) Low-interest low-term loans made by the government (or by the banks, reinsured by the government) should be abundantly increased, and distributed autonomously by the peasants' organizations in which the poor peasants — the overwhelming majority among the peasants - should actively engage.
5) The committee that the workers set up on the basis of workers' management of the workers' planned economy against unemployment and poverty, should invite representatives of the peasants, in order to show millions of peasants the socialist road in an immense investment plan for agricultural development, as part of a general plan on a national scale and the real solution of the problem of excess agricultural population and peasant poverty, through exhaustive and amical discussions. The working class should persuade the peasants by the working class's struggles and the peasants' own experiences that the workers' state can develop the independent petty farms into great modern farms through coöperation without the terrible decomposition of the overwhelming majority of the poor peasants.
47. In order to develop the struggle against the preparation of the counter-revolutionary imperialist war that is continuing in spite of the untiring resistance of the masses all over the world, the Japanese section proposes the following de-
1) Withdrawal of the US army from the territory of Japan and Okinawa. Withdrawal of the VIlth fleet to its own country. Immediate abolition of all military agreements. It is necessary to organize fraternization between the Japanese working class and the US army.
2) The Japanese bourgeoisie is pushing on with its military plans as part of the counter-revolutionary military alliance of international imperialism. The Japanese toiling masses will not give one man or one yen to the rearmament of the bourgeoisie that is producing the means of destruction against the interests of the workers and peasants. The working class should be at the head of the army boycott movement. As against military plans the working class proposes public works.
3) All important diplomatic negotiations that closely involve the people's future should be open to the public. All military agreements and negotiations with the US A to be made public. Complete abolition of secret diplomacy.
4) In order to tree the working class and other toiling people from the influence of petty-bour-
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL geois pacifism and to struggle effectively against the preparation of the imperialist war, the Japanese section proposes the demand: replace the regular army by the people's militia. The struggle against the imperialist war will be crowned with success only when weapons are in the hands of all the people. The organizations of the workers and other toiling people should take all weapons in their own hands and practise the training of the armed people. The workers' organizations should organize military schools for training the cadres of the people's militia. The capitalists and the government must bear the expenses of the foregoing military demands. weapons are in the hands of the people can they decisively crush the aggressive plans of the international imperialists.
5) To bring the anti-war struggle to the army is an indispensable form of struggle in order to crush imperialism. The facts that the aims and policies of the war of the Japanese bourgeoisie and US imperialism are opposed to all the people and that the people's enemy is monopoly finance capitalism in our country and Wall Street should be incessantly propagandized among all the soldiers of the army. Fraternization is needed between the soldiers and the working class. army should be disorganized and the military force of imperialism should be paralyzed and broken up from within through soldiers' committees by the soldier masses.
48. It is necessary to remove the policies and economy of our country and the destiny of its people from the grip of imperialism, which means war, panic, and destruction, and to combine them with the workers' states in China and the USS R. The working class should prepare a great economic plan combined with China's Second Five-Year Plan. Such a planned economy common to both China and Japan can be developed into a wonderful goal of struggle capable of attracting many laboring people to the working class to carry out the socialist revolution, when the above combined with the slogan of workers' management and workers' power that will enable it to be concretized. The Japanese bourgeoisie defends with all its might a fusion with the international imperialist camp, a source of atomic war and poverty. The working class should unite all the people for combination workers' states, that signifies economic development, improvement in living, and permanent peace.
The establishment of a workers' and peaanti-capitalist government. In a characterized by the need for the working class and other laboring people to struggle against ruin and decline, by the maturity of the objective conditions for the revolution, and by the aggressive plans of imperialism, the necessity of the workers'
united front to defend the workers against the of the workers on the basis of the revolutionary perience of the masses and to win the majority of depressions and war!
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL exploitation of the bourgeoisie is becoming urgent. In order to achieve the masses' transitional demands, even the partial attainment of which collides with the bourgeoisie, it is necessary for the united front of the workers of all organizations to overthrow the capitalist class and its parties and to build a workers' and peasants' anti-capitalIst Now the leaderships of the CP,
• P, and other organizations, though they have the workers and peasants in their ranks and speak as their agents, in the last analysis play the role of transmitting the ideological political influence of the bourgeoisie to the working class. As a result ot this fact, the revolutionary pressure of the masses cannot attain the establishment of a workers' and peasants' government unless they go beyond their traditional leaderships and are drawn to the genuine revolutionary proletarian party. Nevertheless, the enormous pressure of the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist struggle of the masses will drive the leaderships of the traditional workers' organizations into a dangerous corner and make them lose their raison d'être, i e, the support of the masses, if they continue to ally themselves to capitalism. The revolutionary proletariat, which continues to make efforts to win over the majority of the masses on the basis of its own programme, meanwhile appeals to the masses, without waiting to win over the majority of them, to build their own government, separated from the capitalist class, in order to carry out the transitional demands and demands that the workers' parties take the power completely independently of the capitalists.
To the extent that such a power — the workers' and peasants' government — is anti-capitalist and carries out our transitional demands, the Japanese section will support it in order to give impetus to the struggle against capitalist reaction. But when the petty-bourgeoisie character of the leadership makes the SP and CP leave the proletariat for a while in some extraordinary circumstances (fascist attack, danger of war, etc), such a governnent will be replaced by either the victory the capitalist reaction or the independence of the proletariat.
The purpose of the slogan of the workers' and peasants' government is to make the bridge beive historical day in forin of th leadersh a od the revolution. In contemporary circumstances it is necessary to win out over the influence of the petty-bourgeois leaderships through the
47 programme. On the one hand, the Japanese sec-
• has complete confidence in the possibility that the objective process of contemporary political developments will cause the masses' struggles to rise higher and higher in spite of the brake of the treacherous leaderships; on the other hand, it appeals to the masses to impose their own government in order to attain their demands against the capitalist class, without assuming that the Japanese section has gained the majority of the masses. As a result, the speeded up toward the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
50. Forward to the formation of soviets, highest form of the proletarian united front!
When the mass struggle mounts higher than the "regular" level controlled by reformism and Stalinism, and mobilizes the overwhelming majority of the workers and other laboring people who sutter severely in contemporary society and are little protected by the trade unions and peasant organizations, the energy that has been kept dormant by poverty and repression will burst out of all the traditional organizations and will be the open announcement of the revolutionary situation. In the factories the factory committees, more than the trade unions, will develop the struggle of all the workers. Now more and more the workers will be drawn into the vortex of the struggle against the imperialist war. The broader and severer the struggles of the workers and the other toiling people are, the more distinctly the need of the united front will be visible to the masses. Out of the struggle of all the people for the transitional demands should grow the formation of the soviet — the highest form of the united front - and the united command, at the highest step of the struggle.
The soviets that unite the overwhelming majority of the masses against the capitalist class represent the power of the working class in its fight against the state power of the capitalists. The formation and national extension of soviets announce the beginning of the phase of dual power in the revolutionary situation, civil war. The very logic of the political situation will defeat the influence of the half-hearted petty-bourgeois leadership in the soviets, and will enable the revolutionary party to grow rapidly and gain the leadership of the soviets. Because the problem is then openly posed to enormous masses that have become politically awakened: Either the dictatorship of the proletariat and the victorious socialist revolution, or the capitalism