ANOTHER AFRICAN AREA RACES FOR INDEPENDENCE
The bourgeois press has given the spectacular events of Leopoldville sufficient coveräge (for once) so that in our limited space we tan concentrate rather on informing our readers about their background and first results:
The "Belgian" Congo represențs the most important profit base for imperialism in all colonized Africa. About half the world production of uranium comes from the mines
The Congo is important producer of cop on minares and arias raga madaTe over and a few other companies controlled by the Société Générale de Belgique dominate the Congo and directly control some 60% of all the assets of the colonial companies there, which, according to their stock-exchange prices, amount to some 125,000 million francs (about $ 2,500.000.000 or £ 900,000,000). The profits of the big companies bring the Belgian bourgeei sie one third of its overall income, as much as those from the Belgian metal and mining industries combined.
The Congo's population is given officially as 13,500,000 and 105.000 Europeans, of whom three quarters are Belgians, Three and a half million Congolese live, the cities or in special settlements around the mines, factories, or plantations. At the beginning of 1957 1,200,000 of them, or 39% of the male population, were wage-earners ; wage-earning women were only between 5,000 and 6,000. Beginning in 1957 the decline in world prices of copper and other ores reduced the wage-earners by some 50,000, and in 1958 this figure was more than doubled. Unemployment is thus severe, and there is no provision for unemployment
Scarcely 15% of the wage-cärners are skilled, skilled laborers have a minimum wage that ranges from 6.50 francs (about 13 US cents, or a shilling) a day at Kivu to 17 francs (about 34 US cents, or 2s 4d) a day at Katanga.
The rise of nationalism in the Congo commenced late and was therefore all the faster when it began. In 1956 a timidly rationalist organization, patronized by the Catholic missions, published a first manifesto on "African consciousRess." A year later the "Congolese Socialist Action" born. Each was in touch with the Belgian trade unions of corresponding tendency.
But another organization, tribal in inception, rapidly gathered the sympathy of the native population in the Lower Congo. This was the ABAKO, whose leader, Kasavubu, was elected mayor at Leopoldville in the first municipal elections in the three largest cities, held in December 1957.
Other rationalist groupings were formed in 1958. One of them was even able to send delegates to the Accra Conference (see the editorial note thereon in the present issue). It was on the occasion of a meeting called by to report on the Accra Conference that the occurred on January 4th. That meeting was suddenly forbidden by the authorities. The audience assembled, and the was reported to them. Though indignant, they and poured into the street, shouting "Independence !" A policeman ordered them to be silent. When one refused, he was seized and forced into a jeep.
seized resisted, and, when punched by the officer, knocked him down. Another officer fired on the resister.
outraged crowd rushed the police, and there began the incidents widely reported in the world press.
In three days of, punitive raids, the police and other repressive fortes killed at least 150 men, women and children (72 are admitted officially) in a reign of terror reminiscent of the casbah in Algiers.
At Brussels at first indecision reigned. One sector of the ruling class was for an Algerian-type policy; another for a solution of the Ghana type. The three main governing forces —the big capitalist companies, the Church, and the Royal Palace-finally chose the latter solution, and in so doing made an extremely abrupt turn,
Whereas heretofore the paternalist administration had, tried to head off any aspirations for independence and to prevent the formation of à Congolese intelligentsia, January 13th declarations by the King and by the government announced elections, offered independence, and promised the rapid formation of negro administrative cadres. has since been announced that a whole series of new administrative posts are to be urgently created by transferring to the Congo various colonial state and semi-state services and organisms now in Brussels: Belgian financial groups dre öffering scolarships to Congolese students and even some 20 francs (about $ 400,000 or £ 143,000) for them to build themselves a home!
The meaning of the turn is clear. Comparing the French and the British tactics in face of the irresistible colonial revolution, the determinant sector of the Belgian bourgeoisie appears to häve deçided that it is better to concede thé political semblance of independence provided it retains ünder cover füll economic and financial control, rather than, by refusing any concessions, to risk rapidly losing everything. By its tactic, in an atmosphere of friendship and coöperation, of rapidly forming a Congolese petty and middle bourgeoisie composed especially of well-paid agents of public and private administrations, it hopes to create a new social layer of proBelgian "moderates" as "leaders" to hold the nationalism of the masses within limits that do not too immediately threaten its own billions of investment and annual profits. It figures that the working class, which, despite its numbers, is still not highly organized, would not immediately be able to excercise pressure on the new stratum in formation.
But, needless to say, there are bourgeois forces opposing this orientation. organizations mushrooming among the Europeans in the Congo. They find allies in the police and the administration. They openly declared that the political pledges made to the Congolese by Messrs Eyskens and Van Hemelrijk are "null and void," and that they will not accept them. Open sabotage of the government programme has appeared in the administration ; arbitrary mass arrests and judicial irregularities continue despite their being exposed by the Belgian Socialist press. Provocations are resorted to in order to start the infernal reciprocating action of repression, reprisal, counter-reprisal, terrorism, and counthat has in Algeria dug such a terrible gulf between the populations. And the ultras in the Congo have in Belgium allies and sympathizers who are already trying to of nationalism and Developments promise to be more stormy than the shrewder sector of the Belgian bourgeoise proposes. But neither British-style craft nor French-style terror shall succeed in preventing the Congolese winning rapid, unconditional, and genuine independence.