THE WORKING CLASS BREASTS THE STREAM heartening militancy.
Clouds had been for some time gathering over the Belgian economy, and the Belgian bourgeoisie, like those of other European countries, was not slow in passing the first effects of the recession on to the workers. In the great Borinage coal basin, many mines had been closed as "marginal," and so many other closings were threatened that not only the daily bread of the miners but the whole economic life of the region was menaced. For a year now, the textile industry at Verviers, Ghent, and Alost, and the metal industries of the Hainault and Brabant regions, had been victims of similar measures. Careless of all save profits, Belgian capitalists were transferring their capital elsewhere in Belgium and abroad - especially to Canada — in search of higher returns. Commercially unsalable coal was piling up mountain-high at the mine-mouths, 7,500,000 metric tons of it — a quarter of a year's production. The working class was understandably growing more and more uneasy.
It was in this ambience, which elsewhere had largely produced retreat or inaction, that the Belgian working class counter-attacked: near the end of November two strikes were launched for wage-demands. The nation-wide walkout of the tramway workers, fully backed by the general public, needed only two days to win its demands. Even more important was the strike, also nation-wide, in the gas and electricity industries. For five days 10,000 strikers paralyzed the entire economy of Belgium, bringing holidays to half a million other workers. They kept production of gas and electricity to about 25% of the average, and apportioned this out for emergency and humanitarian uses with an administrative and technical discrimination and efficiency that sent chills down the spines of the capitalists who had so long blathered that without their administration the workers were helpless that they had begun to believe it themselves. The strike was a success, winning its main demands.
The bourgeoisie was thoroughly frightened. The conservative press waxed furious. Numerous bourgeois deputies and senators readied legislation to illegalize strikes by public-
service workers and limit the right to strike by other workers. But the dominant Catholic party, which had won the close June elections by a demagogic outbidding of the Socialists in reforms within the capitalist framework, proved on inner consultation to be divided on the mattèr. For big elections for the factory-committees were about to be held, and the Catholic trade-union federation complained that, if the party tried to limit the right to strike, the Socialist Fédération Générale du Travail would win in a landslide. bourgeoisie, with ill grace, had to put its rod back in pickle.
In the FGT itself, meanwhile, the left-wing Renard tendency had been driving successfully for the adoption of a bold programme that includes the nationalization of the coal mines and all power, free health service, and control over the ten great holding companies that dominate the entire Belgian and Congolese economies.
On the political level, the Belgian Socialist Party (PS B) had meanwhile been preparing for its national congress by a series of regional ones. In these it became everywhere clear that the rank and file was profoundly disturbed by the loss of the June 1st elections, and was increasingly swinging over to the opinion of the left wing that the defeat had come from watering down and practically wiping out the socialist programme in order to hang on at almost any cost to the alliance with the Liberals coalition government. A steady groundswell grew for an adoption by the party of a programme of structural reforms similar to that of the F G T.
At the National Congress itself, held near the end of December, Party President Buset started off in the old key by calling on the delegates to approve the odious speech made shortly before in the Chamber by former Socialist Premier van Acker, in which he had reminded the rightist government of his own expertness in ways to deal with strikers. The congress reacted by hooting and booing. A new key was set.
And it was in that key that the most important speech at the congress was made. It was delivered by André Genot, one of the national secretaries of the F G T and spokesman for the powerful Namur Federation of the party. vigor and acid humor Genot demolished the draft resolution presented by the party's Bureau, particularly reproaching party leadership for its integrating capitalist regime and indefinitely postponing the socialist transformation of society.
The atmosphere rapidly became electric, the speech was repeatedly interrupted by wild cheers, and when Genot concluded, the Liege delegates burst out into the International, which was quickly taken up by the whole congress. The Bureau, embarrassed, was forced to get to its feet. Van icker refused, which provoked a redoubled outburst of looting and boos aimed at him. It is not often nowadays that congresses of the Social-Democracy produce such an atmosphere.
The party's bureaucratic structure and election methods were such that the apparatus, though badly shaken, was in its majority reëlected, though with van Acker it was only by the skin of his teeth, and a new leftist deputy, J- J Merlot, entered the Bureau. But on policy, the drive of the left wing forced the leadership to move considerably leftward, giving up its own draft programme and adopting one quite close to that of the FG T. It is true that the technical
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL means at the disposal of the bureaucratic leadership and the characteristic centrist hesitations of the left-wing leaders did not permit - despite the exceptional atmosphere of the congress — a complete reversal of the tendency of the Bureau and the adoption of plans for immediate action along the lines of the new policy. But within six months a new National Congress is to be held, devoted to the programme's application, and here it will be demonstrated whether, as we hope, the left wing will in the interim have been able further to build up the already rising self-confidence of the rank-and-file members in their ability to force their recalcitrant leadership away from its merely electoral manœuvrism and toward structural transformations along the path to socialism, and, in case of refusal by the more conservative elements, partially to replace it.
Thirdly, in late January and early February, the Belgian workers gave a further demonstration of their fighting spirit and their ability to breast the reactionary tide. The textile and metallurgical industries all along the French side of the Franco-Belgian frontier depend to a considerable degree on some 40,000 Belgian workers who cross the border each day to work. The recent deGaulle-Pinay devaluation of the French franc cut their wages, when transformed into Belgian their real purchasing power, by some 18 %. At the time of the Gaillard devaluation of the French franc in August 1957 the frontier-workers had succeeded in wresting from the French bosses a compensatory exchange-bonus, partly underwritten by the French government; and this time they made a similar demand. How badly such compensating bonuses were needed can be judged from the fact that at the new exchange-rate the wages of some of the frontier-workers than Belgian ployment pay..
But in the new atmosphere of anti-working-class arrogance adopted by the majority of the French bourgeoisie since Gaulism came to power, the French government and the French bosses contemptuously refused. Unhesitatingly the Belgian frontier-workers went on strike, first on the northern or textile sector, a week later on the southern or metallurgical sector. Disturbed, the Belgian government tried to negotiate with the new masters in Paris, and received a brush-off. Victimizing discharges against Belgian union delegates were indulged in by the French bosses, as well as threats to fire other workers en masse. As we go to press, the negotiations have moved up from the level of functionaries to that of foreign ministers, Belgian frontier-workers are maintaining an unbroken front.
And finally, as we go to press, the dramatic news breaks in radio bulletins that the coal-miners of the their patience at an end, have spontaneously begun general mine strike which the leadership of the two main unions are hurrying to "officialize." And not merely for wage demands, but for the nationalization of the mining industry. There is even talk of a march on Brussels.
under the misleadership Socialist and Communist Parties, the workers are either just holding their own or are already in retreat, perhaps it is the moment to reapply what Rosa Luxemburg said back before
Belga chat other European workers should learn to "speak