CRISIS OF THE COMMON MARKET WHEN Great-Britain was on the eve of entering the European Common Market de Gaule has closed the door on her nose. Gaitskell saw coming the moment when he would become Prime ministerdeath has destroyed this hope. are appearing for a time in England, British working class movement has a Harold Wilson. Leaving aside here the question of the European Common Market and its perspectives and consequences for Britain, let us see what may be new for the British working class movement.
This movement, together with the Itallan working class movement, is the most living one among the working class movements. Generally speaking, since the end of the second world War, it the tendency to evolve towards the left. this tendency, in the traditional British way, evolved only slowly, and it has been tremendously hindered by those who were at the head either of the Labour Party or of the left opposition in this party.
Clement Attlee was succeeded by Gaitskell, liberal of intellectual type, who, unlike the former leaders of the LP did not go through the usual way in this party, He was brought from governmental cabinets to the top of the party thanks to Attlee and the former right wing trade unions leaders.
A dessicated machine, such was the given to him by Bevan a few years before this same Bevan torpedoed the left wing and came to an agreement with this "dessicated machine" in the hope of bringing back the LP to power.
After Gaitskell's death, the Labour MP's-they and not the Party choose the Party leader-were faced with candidates: Brown, leader and Wilson. A few months earlier, these same MP's had elected Brown against Wilson leader. But if Brown, ultra right winger, was fit for such a post where he acted as a watchdog against the lefts (especially amongst the youth), other "qualities" were required for a leader facing the country and the whole world, all the more because the chances are still very strong that the LP will get a majority at the next elections, thus making its leader automatically the "Prime Minister of Her Majesty."
Wilson, whose ascension in the Labour Party was more traditional than his predecessor's has some kind of "leftist" reputation. It is true that he supported Bevan in 1951 when he left the government, that he also fought Gaitskell when the latter trampled down the resolutions voted at the Scarborough conference on unilateral nuclear disarmament. But altogether has been no more than episodic,
and one can find in Wilson's biography other incidents in an opposite direction. Actually one can say that his center position in the LP with a slight bending towards Left is the best that British capitalism could no danger for its interests, something to confuse the weakest and less farseeing part of the Left, in order to add to the present scattering of it.
Wilson's first statements after his election to the leadership of the LP have been very comforting for British capitalism: he has expressed himself unreseverdly for the Atlantic Pact and, whilst being formerly opposed to England's entrance into the Common Market, he blamed Macmillan for having through mishandling provoked the humiliation of his country! In the formation of the shadow cabinet, he has left the most important posts to the right-wingers. shows that he is what all social-democrat leaders aspire to be, a "stateman" , i.e., a truthful manager of capitalism when they accede to government.
But, for England, and for its working class movement especially, is raised a very serious question which brings back old feelings, the unemployment question. There is at present around one million
The proportion becomes very alarming in the north of the country. This is the highest figure since the end of the war, a figure which recalls a period between the two employment question the British workers are parti-
It is sure that therefore the left currents will become stronger, especially in the trade
3 unions where they have already become more numerous. Before long Wilson's leadership will be put to the test.
An unfortunate factor in the situation is the present state of the Labour Left. The latter is at the same time strong and weak. Strong because of the political development of the whole movement towards the Left, weak because of its organisational fragmentation and its lack of a clear political programme. its betrayal by Bevan, the Left has not achieved a political and organisational coherence. Far from using its victory in Scarborough, it was begging the right wing leadership until it was defeated. scattered in small circles which are not attractive, especially for the big battalions of the trade unions. A part of it besides, is afraid to appear as dividing the party before an Election that may bring victory.
But it is precisely in the firmness and the audacity of a left wing that dwells a guarantee of victory for the British working class movement.
The task of the British revolutionary Marxists is to contribute to the regroupment of the many forces in the Labour Party and the Trade Unions around a programme of action based on the struggle against unemployment, for unilateral disarmament and for a Socialist Britain that will open the road for a Socialist United States of Europe. Such a regroupment would have a tremendous echo in the solid working class movement of Britain. contribute to stimulating all the European working