"COLONIALS" AND "EUROPEANS"
A review of
Frantz Fanon's book "LES DAMNÉS DE LA TERRE" (1)
by MICHEL PABLO
The Colonial Revolution is a phenomenon which dates practically from the end of the second world war.
Revolutionary Marxism cannot be accused of ignoring until this time the "colonies" and the "colonial problem".
The writings of Marx and Engels, as much as those of Rosa Luxembourg, of Lenin and of Trotsky are witness of the enormous importance attached to these questions at
But for all these classic writers of Revolutionary Marxism, theoreticans of the proleterian socialist revolution, the main arena of this Revolution — as much from the perspective of time as from the material and cultural basis for socialist reconstruction — was Europe, bastion of the revolutionary proletariat and of advanced industrial capitalism, specifically: France, Germany, Great Britain.
It is really from the experience of the Russian Revolution and of the Third International in the period of Lenin and Trotsky that the idea, or rather the intuition of the "light from the East" begins to penetrate marxist revolutionary thought. That is to say the idea of the sible tendency of the world Socialist Revolution developing
"periphery" of the colonial and semi-colonial world, towards the "centre", occupied by the advanced capitalist nations of Europe and North America.
But the practical importance of the European Revolution as an immediate perspective of the World Socialist Rev olution remained preponderant until the second world war.
There is then a certain basis for the criticism made by some people at the present time of Marxism, that it had in part "underestimated" or "ignored" the colonial and semi-colonial world and its particular problems.
Undoubtedly perspectives had been dominated too much and over too long a period by the European situation, that the global picture was somewhat distorted and analysis was insufficiently sharp in relation to more specific problems of the advanced capitalist countries.
The post-war world is essentially quite different from former marxist analysis and understanding.
It is at once a world of three epicentres in constant interaction, no longer a world dominated by a circular motion from the preponderant unilateral action of a center and a periphery, the center determining the periphery; thse three epicentres are: the advanced capitalist nations; the workers states; "Third World" of the semi. colonial and colonial nations.
The first problem which is posed for Marxism is that of an analysis of the economic functioning of this new world; in order to explain more particularly the profound reasons which determine the present economic conjuncture of capitalism and its long term tendencies.
For in spite of the appearance of the new workers states, and in spite of the spectacular advance of the colon ial Revolution, the capitalism of the advanced countries has experienced a consolidation and an economic expansion, undeniable and baffling at first sight.
We will return later to this question.
The second problem which is posed to Marxism is that
(1) Editions F.. Maspero - Paris.
F. Maspero, Publisher - Paris.
of reconsidering the revolutionary forces at work in the colonial and semi-colonial world, more particularly of the peasantry.
The third fundamental problem is that of the develop ment of the Revolution and of the construction of Socialism in the "backward" nations.
The fourth problem is that of the relations between the Revolution in the three epicentres of the contemporary world, of the vision, of the global synthesis and comprehension of the World Revolution in its totality.
A book such as "Les Damnés de la Terre" written by Frantz Fanon who knew that he was to die very soon, presents at first sight a standpoint which may shock or disorientate an intellectual and even a European "marxist".
Frantz Fanon, scientist, psychiatrist, intellectual of colonial origins, who early on joined the Algerian Revolution, identified himself with it, and died honoured as a militant "brother" of the FLN, did not claim to be a Marxist and was certainly not a Marxist.
From this there stems a certain confusion and ambiguity, a weakness in analysis and a weakness in the conclusion of this vivid book, written by a passionate gifted scientific observer of the colonial revolution.
It remains a work of extreme importance for marxism, a witness of an authentic "colonial" revolution who both Europe and its culture and also the "Third World" and its revolution from the inside.
Fanon's work is one of precise diagnosis giring a detail. ed picture of the colonial revolution, analysed from the inside by a revolutionary intellectual who is both a colonial fighter for freedom and rooted in European culture. Critical and lucid, he is so also in relation to his own revolution and the temptations towards "conciliationism"
book is a true example of "revolutionary ure" whose apostle he is, of the only true "national" culture which emerges from the phase of a peoples' struggles for its national and social emancipation.
It is in this spirit that it should be read and meditated upon by marxists of the advanced capitalist nations who necessarily have only a bookish knowledge of the colonial revolution and who are imbued with the "classic" marxist culture and with the revolutionary experience appropriate to these countries. Such an equipment is absolutely recessary but insufficient for the more profound comprehension of the non-European, non-North American realities of the world today.
For revolutionary marxists in general the first two chapters of Fanon's book which deal with "violence" can appear as an "intellectualist" dissertation on a somewhat banal theme. Marxists after all uphold the absolute legitimacy of the revolutionary action of the masses including armed action for emancipation from the yoke of imperialism and capitalism. For it is not only Engels (after Marx) roho legitimised "violence" as the "midwife of history" (2) but all the assembly of marxist revolutionaries from Rosa Luxembourb at gives a particular poignancy, a particular apposite. to Lenin and Trotsky. ress to Fanon's plea in favour of "violence" is its con.
(2) As Sartre supposed in his preface.
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL temporary note in relation to the practical reformism which a number of nationalist and almost all the communist parties have adopted in the colonial and semi-colonial cour tries. Fanon markes an accurate and mordant criticism of the arguments used to justify this reformism.
Thus the very important concretisation which Fanon anen cemen ernes in the arted true of the peas makes of this vague term "violence", with its antry" which begins and develops through the whole period of the Revolution in a great number of colonial and semi-colonial countries.
Finally the book excells in the description of the psychological effects of the revolution on the "colonised" who are usually in "permanent tension" with an "entrenched aggressiveness", which is further conditioned or depressed by introverted attitudes. Fanon's analysis of this complicated psychology is memorable.
"At the level of individuals, violence liberates", says Fanon, "demystifies" and "raises the people to the level of the leader"
It rehabilitates the "colonised" individual, cures him of "colonial neurosis", "reintegrates man" as Sartre adds in his preface, proscribing also this unique medicine for his compatriots menaced by Fascism: "to fight or rot in the camps".
Rehabilitated by others than revolutionary Marxists "violence" that is to say the revolutionary action of the masses including armed action is not only an excellent enterprise for the peoples of the "Third World".
For the rest these peoples "instinctively" from their own objective conditions and experiences take the path to "violence" impose it on political parties who have the chance of showing themselves worthy of the confidence which the masses give to them.
This lesson is particularly valuable for the European workers' movement which has experienced for some time the pressure of a relative amelioration of its material condition and of political reformism preached to it by the traditional socialist and communist leaderships.
The example of France at the moment caught in the dilemma of the path to Fascism or the path to socialism is the perfect illustration of ideological disarmament and of the impasse to which the new "peaceful roads to socialism" inexorably lead, faced with a sharp evolution of bourgeois democracy towards Bonapartist dictatorship and Fascism.
It is then especially salutary that the colonial revolutionaries like Fanon, matured by their own experience, rediscover after the Revolutionary Marxist, the collective and individual virtues of revolutionary mass action, includ ing armed action and make it the basis of every authentically revolutionary political party.
The ideological neo-reformism of the European workers' parties who have betrayed the European Revolution and the Colonial Revolution is thus combatted conjointly by the action and by the revolutionary ideology of the forces exterior to the advanced capitalist nations, with whom and from whom will be constituted henceforth the new leadership of the world Socialist Revolution. REHABILITATION OF THE REVOLUTIONARY
PEASANTRY
Fanon, as we have already said concretises "violence" in the armed struggle of the peasantry, the class which to him is the most deprived, the most exploited and hence the most radical and the most revolutionary, even the only revolutionary class in the colonial and semi-colonial countries.
"The peasantry" he writes "is systematically ignored by the propaganda of most of the nationalist parties. Now it is clear that in the colonial countries only the peasantry is revolutionary. It has nothing to lose and everything to gain. The peasant, the déclassé, the starved is the one
31 who discovers most quickly that violence alone pays". Thus the peasant according to Fanon is the real "damned", the most exploited element in the colonial countries. But at the same time he is the most able, the most ready to "stand up" and begin real revolutionary action, of the only type that is worth while: armed guerilla action.
"The great error, the persistent vice of the majority of the political parties in the underdeveloped regions has been as in the classical schema, to address themselves first of all to the most conscious elements; the proletariat of the towns, the artisans and the functionaries, that is to say to a minute part of the population which hardly represents more than one percent".
Here Fanon affirms that contrary to the case in the advanced countries, the "proletariat is among the most protected stratum of the colonial regime. The embryonic proletariat of the towns is relatively privileged. It reprethat fraction of the colonised people, necessary and sents irreplaceable for the efficient working of the colonial ap paratus- tramway conductors, taxi-drivers, miners, dockers, interpreters, hospital staffs etc. These are the elements which constitute the most loyal stratum of the nationalist parties and the coral the privileged place that nes fraction of the colonised people".
Fanon wishes to say ideologically "bourgeois" fraction, disposed to reforms, to compromises, who murmur "revolution" but hesitate to really begin it. For Fanon is fully conscious of the existence of a real national bourgeoisie, against whom he concentrates his principal barbs as will be seen later on.
The analysis which Fanon makes of the role of the urban proletariat can appear exagerrated to a European Marxist; however with qualifications it "fits" well enough those countries with a weak industrial development.
To make the concrete process of the colonial revolution dependant on the scheme of the Revolution in the ad. vanced countries would lead to a very grave disorientation. For the structures being different, the specific content of the classes and of the castes is different, and hence the equally different dynamic of the Revolution.
The colonial peasantry which constitutes the overwhelming majority of the underdeveloped nations (80.90%)
is composed of strata such as agricultural workers, the poor peasants, the detribalised peasants who flow into the towns and camp in the shack towns like a specific lumpen proletariat.
Now these are effectively the layers who in contact with "illegal" revolutionaries expelled from the towns, suspected by their own parties, refugees in the country, meditate, organise and unleash the real revolution: armed guerilla struggle in the country, individual "terrorism" in the cities.
Fanon who has studied closely the Algerian Revolution, an example of the colonial revolution in action, thus arrives at the theory of the Cuban Revolution which Castro has just theoretically formulated, particularly in his discourse-confession of December 1961 and in the second dec. laration of Havana.
Thus the outbreak of the revolution in a number of countries of colonial and semi-colonial structure can be visualised by the union of a jacobin leadership sui generis, like the July 26 Movement or the Algerian leadership enough to be disposed to the direct armed action of the, the Angolan revolutionaries, with the masses impatient revolutionary peasantry.
Here is effectively the real beginning of the Revolution in the colonial countries which can make up for the cow. ardice and the treason of the Communist Parties im. prisoned in classic "ouvrieriste" schemes applied without discernment to colonial countries and the search for an impossible alliance with a "national bourgeoisie" both "anti-Imperialist" and revolutionary which does not exist.
32
What is new for Revolutionary Marxism in relation to this experience is this: that ue pass from the appreciation of the revolutionary role of the peasantry (3) and the ne cessity of the workers and peasants alliance (4) to the understanding of the possibility of beginning and carrying through for a whole period, the Revolution in a number of colonial and semi-colonial countries by the armed struggle of the revolutionary peasantry.
On the other hand if a simply jacobin leadership suigeneris, that is with an initial ideology, national-revolutionary in type and not yet Marxist is capable by its uniting with the revolutionary peasantry to begin the revolution, to continue it for a whole period and thus reactivate the momentarily demoralised or defeated stratum of the urban proletariat, a proletarian leadership, a revolutionary marxist leadership should do as much or more.
This in summary is on the theoretical plane the new concrete experience of the Cuban and Algerian Revolution in particular, and completes the knowledge on the role of the peasantry drawn from the triumph of the Yugoslav and Chinese Revolution. TWO DANGERS FACING THE COLONIAL REVOLU.
TION: "BOURGUIBISM" AND BUREAUCRACY
Rarely has a colonial revolutionary made such an indictment as Fanon against the "national bourgeoisie" that idol of the nationalist parties, allied with, embellished and abetted by the Communist parties.
It is true that Fanon sometimes seems to dream of an "authentic national bourgeoisie", "revolutionary" and "creative™ as was the western bourgeoisie in its historical origins when struggling against feudalism and does not understand that in the epoch of Imperialism and of the decline of capitalism, the fact of the presence of the proletariat and of the danger of the Socialist Revolution means that the "national bourgeoisie" can in no way assume its former role as in the days of its struggle against feudalism.
However the clinical description of the present state of the "national bourgeoisie" is exact: "From its beginnings the national bourgeoisie of the colonial countries identifies itself with the end of the western bourgeoisie. It does not lap these stages, it just begins at the end. It is already senile before it has known either petulence, and intrepid. ity, or the wilfulness of youth or of adolescence".
Economically underdeveloped, anaemic, parasitic, fearful and distrustful of the revolutionary masses of the peasantry in particular, this "national bourgeoisie" only dreams of substituting itsel! for the economic and political system of colonialism as the exploiter and oppressor of the nation. alist masses.
"The colonised bourgeoisie which has achieved power employs its class pugnacity to seize the positions formerly occupied by the foreigners" i.e. administrative and economic posts inherited from the colonial period.
It discovers "its historic mission of serving as an intermediary, the current of transmission for a capitalism en. gaged in camouflaging itself and which appears today under the mask of neo-colonialism".
Politically it has recourse to the regime of the single monolithic party, "the modern form of the bourgeois dictatorship without a mask, without make-up, without scruple, utterly cynical".
The single party become "more and more an instrument of coercion more and more anti democratic", helping the bourgeois power to "gag the people" to spy upon the anti. conformist militants and the masses.
"Some naive people belonging to the new bourgeoisie do
(3) Emphasised by Marx and Engels.
(4) Emphasised by Lenin and Troteky
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL not cease to repeat that in an under-developed country the control of affairs by a strong state, that is, a dictatorship, is a necessity. With this perspective the Party is responsible for the surveillance of the masses. The party dupli. cates the administration and the police and controls the masses not with the object of assuring their real participation in the affairs of the nation but to remind them constantly that the State expects their obedience and discipline... The great mass of the people is seen by the state as a blind force which must be constantly held in check whether by mystification or by the fear inspired by the police forces. The party serves as a barometer, as the source of information. The militant becomes an agent. He takes charge of punitive expeditions into the villages.
"The beginnings of opposition parties are liquidated with baton blous and the throwing of stones. The candidates of the opposition see their houses burnt. The police multiplies its provocations. Under these conditions certainly the party is single and 99.99% of the votes return a government candidate. We must say that in Africa a certain number of governments behave according to this model.
"The party instead of favouring the expression of popular grievances, in place of seeing its mission as one of providing the free circulation of the ideas of the people to the leadership, forms a screen and forbids such freedoms"
Often this "national" party behaves as an "ethnic" party "It acts like a tribe constituted as a party" which organises a "veritable ethnic dictatorship".
It leads the return of the most odious and most shameful chauvinism, it leads to "frenzy, to the exarcebated triumph of radicalism*. , of "tribalist positions" or "regionalist phobias in the interior of the same national reality" Thus the fine dreams of "African unity" or "Pan Arab unity" or "Black unity" from the period of the anti-Imperialist struggle and the struggle for freedom collapse lamentably into these xenophobie passions in relation to neighbouring states and even African fellow citizens.
"The national bourgeoisie shows itself incapable of realis. ing simple national unity" "bourguibiss" solution of the Colonial Rev- is the ineluctable conclusion of every olution, every bourgeois solution.
Thus it is against this "national bourgeoisie" useless and dangerous at the same time, that "the united effort of the masses organised into a party and the intellectuals highly conscious of their tasks and armed with revolutionary prin ciples must struggle".
"The theoretical question which has been posed for the last half century" writes Fanon, referring in his way to the theory of the permanent revolution, "whether in the underdeveloped nations it is possible to jump the bourgeois phase or not, must be resolved on the plane of revolutionary action and not by a rationalised preamble: the struggle against the bourgeoisie of the underdeveloped nations is far from being a theoretical position. It is not a question of executing the judgement levelled against it by history. It is not a question of combatting the national bourgeoisie in the under developed nations because it risks restraining the global and harmonious developement of the nation. It must be opposed because it is useless in every respect, it has no historic mission to fulfill and because it is from birth degenerated, parasitic, useless". WHAT IS THE SOLUTION?
What solution does Fanon offer?
It is precisely in this sphere that weaknesses and anbiguities appear in the analysis and the comprehension of the global process of the revolution of our time.
Certainly as Sartre has noted in his preface, Faron is for a Democratic Socialist solution of the Revolution, rohich guarantees "land and bread" so the peasants and the masses, combats bureaucracy, frees the women and she
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL outh, abolishes the professional army, opposes narrow and rectionary nationalism", raises the entir "people" to the control of affairs and goes beyond the "Single Party", the instrument in the hands of the government, the means of transmitting the orders of the government"
'anon believes in a socialist regime, but in one which is the opposite of Russian or Chinese ed on "human investment" a sort of "forced labour" which determines a bureaucratic and police structure; it must be "entirely turned towards the mass of the people, and based on the principle that man is the most precious good, hence it will develop more quickly and harmoniously, thus rendering impossible that caricature of society where some hold all the economic and political power to the disad. vantage of the nation as a whole".
Thus the "Third World" not having to "choose 223 at any price" "between socialism and capitalism as it has been defined by men of different epochs and continents" must look for its own "way to socialism" and its own "humanism"
It can be seen how imprecise, vague, ambiguous is this scheme which confounds involuntarily the socialism of Marx, of Lenin and of Trotsky with its bureaucratic stalinist coricature and in which Fanon outlines his solution which he sees as "original".
The confusion becomes all the greater in the conclusion 45252
which summarises in a sense all the criticisms which Faron has made in the course of his writing of "Europe" and its "culture" en bloc opposed to the equally en bloc.
"The Third World today faces Europe as a colossus whose aim must be to attempt to resolve which Europe has not known how to solve". the problems
"Thus it is not a question of talking about output, its intensification, about rhythms. Nor is it a question of re turning to nature. It is a question very concretely of not being drawn anew into directions which mutilate them, of not imposing on the mind rules which overwhelm and distort it. There is no need under any pretext to dominate, to bully men, to deprive isen of individuality, personal life, to break and kill them".
Turning away from Europe, mankind must grow a neso skin, develop a new thinking, try to create a nero man.
That capitalist and stalinist "Europe" is not an example to be imitated by the "Third World" is understandable and justified.
The "anti-European" sentiments of Fanon reflect power. ful currents and ideas which flow across, at the present moment, all the "Third World" and which must be seriousLy considered and taken account of.
For therein is a form of negative reaction ia front of the powerlessness which the European workers movement has shown until now to aid effectively the colonial revolu. tion and to propose its own solution that of the authentic Socialist Revolution which avoids stalinist bureaucratisation.
As long as this powerlessness continues it is almost in evitable that the "Third World" turns away from the necessary connection with the European Revolution and the advanced capitalist nations and in general, succumbs to xenophobic attitudes and frantic nationalism and seeks its own "original" solution.
In these conditions however, this search risks provoking
"Bourguibist" or a stalinist bureaucratic solution, cause in this domain the material and cultural level is determining.
It is stupefying to realise with what rapidity within the framework of extreme material and cultural penury which reigns in the "Third World" and particularly in Africa, the
(5) To which Fanon refers implicitly certainly but rery clearly.
33 Revolution becomes bourgeois or bureaucratises itself, just as its victory over Imperialism is finally confined within the frontiers of fragmented states "Balkanised" by the pol icy of Imperialism, frontiers which have no relation to ethnic and genuine national realities.
Certainly Fanon is aware of the "nationalist" degeneration or tribalist as it might be called — of the Revolution in Africa in particular, and preaches incessantly the imperious necessity for federalist regroupings of a larger nature aimed at " African Unitr"
But even when he emphasises the necessity for a "national culture" which is certainly not the resurrection and artificial maintenance of "traditionalism", but the "utilisation" of the past with the "intention of opening the future, of encouraging action of reviving hope, making a "national culture" which is only blocked in reality by the combat for national existence. Fanon still isolates or opposes this culture" to the discovery and promotion of universalising values*
But "is is in the heart of the "national consciousness" "that there develops" according to Fanon "and flourishes the international consciousness and this double emergence is only in brief the beginning of all culture"
All these formulations however correct they might be in relation to the narrow and reactionary "nationalism" which the "national bourgeoisie" affirm, remain nevertheless confining in relation to the absolute necessity of underlining the indispensable common socialist solution of the problems of the Colonial Revolution and of the revolution in the advanced nations in the closest possible unity and universality of true culture.
Science for example both in nature and in relation to man and technique, the most valuable elements by far of true contemporary culture, is universal, without speaking of the universal tendencies reflected in contemporary archi. tecture, pictorial arts or music.
Fanon remarks that "the most extravagant opulence" in which the "European nations" indulge themselves at the present moment is "literally scandalous because it has been built on the backs of slaves, it is nourished from the blood of slaves, it comes in a direct line from the soil and the sub-soil of this underdeveloped world" and he concludes that "aid to the underdeveloped nations far from constitut. owed" to the "colonised peoples" by the copitalist powers ing a programme from the sisters of charity", "is a debt which in fact they must pay.
Nevertheless he realises that this economic and technical cooperation necessary as it is between the advanced capital ist nations and the "Third World" will not be achieved with "the cooperation and the good will of the European governments" but *with the decisive aid of the European masses" that is to say with the European workers move. ment and the European Revolution.
But this point of a fundamental interest for the rapid healthy harmonious development of the colonial revolution is almost forgotten, left unexploited, even denied in the argument and conclusion of the work.
There is naturally a lot to say on the summary manner in which Fanor conceives the reasons for the present "opu lence" of Europe and the economic relations which prevail between the advanced capitalist nations and the "Third World".
Let us content ourselves with the following observations:
If the exploitation of the colonies has considerably contributed to the historic process of primitive capitalist accumulation to the expansion and maintenance of capitalism, the exploitation of the metropolitan proletariat and of the peasantry has contributed no less.
To attribute the present "opulence" of capitalism exclusively to the exploitation of the "Third World" is in defensible from the scientific non-sentimental point of vier.
In order to explain scientifically the present economic
34 situation of capitalism, the dialectical interaction of a number of factors has to be considered, among which the most important are: the revolutionary technological progress, the process of industrialisation of the "Third World" and the structure of international trade, especially that prevailing between the "advanced" capitalist nations and the "Third
Already based on a well developed economic, technical and cultural structure, post-war capitalism has been enabled to benefit from the "new "industrial revolution" , a process which has augmented without ceasing the productivity of work and determined the spiral process of an increase at once, of profits, of salaries, and the mass of accumulated capital on the basis of an increased world demand, assisted particularly by the increased penetration of capitalist merchant and industrial capital throughout a whole series of regions (including metropolitan areas) and in areas of
The aspect of "colonial exploitation" prevails at the present moment in the trade between the advanced capitalist nations and the "Third World", a trade which is not equal but which is conducted to the profit of the and "buy cheap" primary commodities and agricultural
But it is a question here of a situation of different économic level, on wiich can only be fundamentally altered by a rapid industrialisation of the "Third World" which would then change the structure of present trading.
In order that this absolutely necessary industrialisation, vital to abolish effectively the present condition of the "Third World" is not retarded or is not made in a stalinist
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL manner which sacrifices "man" and "peasant man" in particular for a whole generation, the effective alliance between the Colonial Revolution and the European and North American Revolution is absolutely indispensable.
This is the viewpoint which the authentic revolutionaries equipped with a global vision of the world revolution, whether thep are of the "colonial" of the "European" nations must constantly assert in their respective parties, that the actual existing separation - disastrous in its consequences - between the Colonial Revolution and the European Revolution is not erected into a theory of "messianism"
la Terre" is common to the colonial and European workers and peasants and their salvation is similarly common.
Fanon wrote his book rather as a political testament aimed above all at forestalling a "bourguibist" or bureaucratic finale for the Algerian Revolution which he had passionately supported and served. For this revolution began and continued as the effort of a whole people aspiring to a complete transformation, of life for "land" for "bread" and "for the liberty and dignity of man".
Fanon died before this Permanent Revolution had en tered into its more particularly social phase which is ginning now.
No doubt the authentic Algerian revolutionaries will regroup themselves on the platform of revolutionary and democratic socialism which Fanon outlined — Fanon being until now the most accomplished and the most radical of the FLN will refer to him and his book in order to honour fully the essential message, which he transmitted to them: not betray the Revolution, half way, not to compromise it in the "association" with Imperialism, but to continue it, deepen it, complete it.
COMMUNIQUF
The International Executive Committee and the International Secretariat of the Fourth International state that the information published in some Latin American newspapers concerning a so-called "extraordinary conference of the Fourth International » which « designated a new International Executive Committee and International Secretariat» is completely false. The last Congress of the Fourth International took place in January, 1961. A new is now being prepared.
The International Executive Committee and the International Secretariat also state that the so-called Latin American Bureau of the Fourth International does not at all represent the Fourth International, nor its political line; and that the positions expressed by the Argentine newspaper, "Voz Proletaria", especially on the question of nuclear war and the Second Declaration of Havana, do not correspond to those of the Fourth International.
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