THE PROSPECTS OF THE STRUGGLE IN SOUHT AFRICA by RICHARD HUGHES
The problems of the South African Revolution are problems of enormous magnitude. Often the very magnitude of these problems are used as an excuse to deny the possibility of a revolutionary struggle, particularly when seen against the background of the present conditions. But revolutionary marxists can never look at things simply as they are at the present moment, but try to see their potential development.
The most obvious and often-quoted obstacle to a successful revolutionary struggle is the existance of a three million White population, as against the ten million Africans and two million Coloureds and Indians. The South African White Republic has a modern and well-equipped army, well as a tradition of "commandos" among the Afrikaaners. In addition of course there is the complete suppression of the Africans in this regard. There exists no experience in modern warfare, no tradition of military discipline among the Africans.
The obvious comparison is with Algeria, where there existed a French population of one million, where the Algerians had the possibility of military experience, even in the complications of guerrilla warfare. The Algerians were not under such heavy political and social restrictions
But the anti-revolutionary argument neglects the difficulties that the White South African Government faces. They have not the armed backing of a powerful Imperial-
French Imperialism, which could put almost a half a million troops into Algeria, independent of the economic condition of Algeria itself. In South Africa they will have to rest on their own resources, which even if every able-bodied South African was put into the army, would fall far short of what France could do in Algeria.
There exists also the myth of the Herrenvolk giant who has tremendous physical ability. It is part of the mythology of the strong, independent Voortrekker, who lived, like the American frontiersman, in the simplest way, with a gun always at his side. But it is as alien to the present South African White population as is the frontier tradition to the American bourgeois. The Whites form a privileged class. who scorn manual labour, and have a psychotic fear of the Black. On the other hand, the hardship and poverty of the African, his very oppression, will give him, as with all oppressed classes and races, an unbelievable heroism and ability to withstand terrible suffer. ing. The Herrenvolk, despite all its brave words, will fall far short of its own mythology.
On the other hand of course we cannot underestimate the strength that the ruling class has at hand. We must therefore warn against adventurism. It will only be possible to overthrow the power of the ruling class by the highest possible level of military, political and organisational preparedness. It is essential to be certain of survival after the first blow, and that can only be assured, as much sible, by the degree to which the movement is organically linked with the workers, but particularly we believe with the peasants, both in the Reserves and on the White farms. Other factors that enter into such considerations are the launching of the struggle on a nation-wide basis, and the combination of all the forms of attack: both sabotage and workers poses primarily the political and peasantry guerrilla. This task of linking with the organisational
But it is equally essential to see that the three factors of organisational, political and military preparedness are interconnected, and that what is desired is the optimum combination of these three factors, which will in turn give the optimum results. That is that the launching of the military campaign at the correct time, together with the essential degree of political and organisational preparedness, can together produce the optimum results. It would be incorrect to pose the task of organising the maximum politically and organisationally, before considering the mi litary aspect. First, because the pre-revolutionary period in South Africa today excludes the successful organisation of the masses with purely general and organisational slogans, without the interweaving of this with the military aspect, and its active preparation. And second, because the political climate rapidly changes in such a situation, where resolute, well-organised leadership can ensure spread of a revolutionary uprising and its eventual success. That is the lesson of the revolutionary struggles in twenty years, particularly in the colonial revolution. Given the initial momentum which can be sustained through the initial phase of the struggle, and the combination with the peasantry in their guerrilla struggle, and with the workers, all this can ensure success.
The argument against the possibility of the success of revolutionary Nation as a great obstacle. unity for the maintenance of repression and privilege, there exists elements of disunity which we must take cognizance of, and which, if correctly used, can weaken the ruling-class. White Nations, the Afrikaans and the English-speaking. The "Jingoists", centred largely in Natal, are extremely hostile to the Afrikaaner, that is in second place to their hostility and fear of the Africans. There is a small section however which places their hatred of the Afrikaaner above their fear of the Africans. This extreme Jingoists section has given serious consideration to the armed struggle and sabotage of the present government, particularly since South Africa left the British Commonwealth. The trial of the group in Natal, and the press rumours of other groups preparing underline this possibility. A revolutionary marxist movement must seek to use these differences in every way possible, without of course endangering the support of the oppressed masses. In other words, we must seek as our first consideration the revolutionary unity of the oppressed, and
There is also the division between the Progressive Party wants the qualified franchise extended to the educated Africans, and the rest of the White population. In the recent elections, the Progressives gained over 60.000 one seat, that of Houghton, which takes in Johannesburg's wealthiest suburbs, and where very few workers live. The formation of the Progressive Party, under the auspices of Harry Oppenheimer and the Chamber of Mines, reflects the desire of an important section of the English capitalist class in South Africa to prepare the ground for isome compromise solution, precisely at the stage of a revolutionary uprising. As well there exists the Liberals whom we have analysed previously, and part of whom will come to an active participation in the revolutionary struggle. It would be necessary for the leadership of such a struggle to also be prepared to try and use the difference between the Progressives and the conservative forces to the advantage of the revolutionary
28 struggle, while mercilessly exposing their real role to the
The Afrikaner nation is a product of only recent years, when as we have mentioned already, geoisie sought to use it as a method of gaining power. In
Afrikaaner nationalism is a hollow shell built around a number of religo-political myths, to cover and support the semi-feudalistic repression of the African nation.
adoption, was as well a self-defence mechanism to give the Afrikaaner the determination never to leave his country, to fight to the death. In this dual aim the Afrikaaner leaders have succeeded and a myth has reality. There is nevertheless a small number who will not light for what they more and more see as a myth.
This Afrikaaner nationalism has taken hold of the Afrikaaner worker and farmer, and has obscured the class division between them and their own capitalist class. It has of course been doubly reinforced by their desire to keep their privileged position, and this has been done by the Afrikaaner nationalist government through Job Reserv. ation. The White working more a reservoir of fascist stormtroopers than fighters with Africans for
The unity of the Whites then has a few important cracks which must be widened as much as possible.
As well, the sceptics often raise the question of the geographical isolation of the country. It is true that there is no sympathetic nation on its borders. The British Pro. tectorates provide some haven, but they lack connection with the sea. This poses many problems, but problems which are only thereby a little more difficult. Besides we must be prepared for any eventuality in Mozambique, where Portuguese Imperialism presents a weak the imperialist domination of Southern Africa. This isolation underlines the need to forge a revolutionary unity of all the oppressed people in Southern Africa, movements are increasingly being faced with the necessity for armed action. Drawn to South Africa by the needs of the Rand Gold Mines, the oppressed have a common basis for unity.
The question of South West Africa is also important and as provided a question which the United Nations could use if they wished to intervene. This barren, has a total population of a little over half a million. The struggle of the people of the territory against the German occupation in the carve-up of Africa led to a campaign of extermination by the Germans which serious. ly reduced the population of the various tribes. The strug. gle of the people, led by SWAPO (South African Peoples rganisation) and SWANU (South West Africar nion) has been sidetracked into the UNO. But there i possibility that the people will join any struggle started in South Africa, although the small size of the population in the territory as well as its backwardness makes an independent struggle without the active support of the South African struggle as a whole difficult to foresee. WORLD IMPERIALISM, THE UNITED NATIONS AND
THE SOUTH AFRICAN REVOLUTION.
We mentioned earlier the importance of South Africa in the world economy as the largest single producer of gold. Gold has been a very important stabilising factor in the South African economy. But in a revolutionary struggle it might be its Achilles heel. It is doubtful if world imperialism, headed by US Imperialism, would stand by and see any serious curtailment of its gold supplies. Rather they would risk active intervention, and here they could envisage the employment of the UNO as the agency the Imperialists would use. This would have a number of
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL favourable effects for the Imperialists as they would appear in the light of liberators, as well as ensuring that their interests were preserved. But of course Imperialism is well aware that any such intervention would open up a tremend. ous surge of African hopes and demands, and that they would in their present weakened condition find it difficult contain the results of their intervention. Further, con. sidering the difficulties they had with Tshombe, they would find a much bigger task in the Afrikaaner nationalists. All in all, it is obvious that it would be only a last desperate effort to save the situation that they would intervene, and even then they may not feel strong enough to do so. In any case they are vigorously preparing the ground for at least, a political intervention in the South African crisis; with the aim of prevening a workers' state emerging in South Africa. In fact, the whole tactic of Imperialism, with Congo as its centre-piece, is to ensure its domination over Africa, and prevent the emergence of a workers, state on the African continent. In the confines of this strategy, we cannot definitely rule out an intervention by UNO in South Africa, at the crucial period. It is necessary therefore that the cadres of the Revolution clearly understand the role of UNO. CONCLUSION.
South Africa today is on the brink of new, revolutionary struggles. In all the organisations of the people in South Africa, at one level or another, the revolutionary roads are being discussed. It is the hope of the author that this article will be taken as a contribution to that discussion.
In conclusion, we shall summarise some of the more important conclusions we wish to draw from this discussion, which will go towards the formation of a programme. It is the belief of the author that there will emerge, there has indeed already, in all the organisations people, tendencies seeking a revolutionary road.
Theses tendencies have and will seek the road to action. But it will depend on the degree to which there is optimum combination of military, political and organisational preparedness to decide which tendency will become the dominant leadership. In particular, it will depend on the degree to which the tendencies will be able to link up with the peasantry. As well it will become increasingly obvious that there will be the need for revolutionary unity, for the revolutionary united front, based on the peasants and workers. The slogan of the revolutionary workers and peasants united front will be of increasing importance.
At this period to mobilise the masses, particularly the peasants, it will be found necessary to offer them a clear programme for the establishment of a revolutionary workers and peasants government, which will establish the basic democratic demands around vhich they are struggling: the full franchise, freedom of movement, reallocation of the land, free education, etc... It will be found necessary to explain very carefully to them how guerrillas can defeat the modern resources of the White Army, and the unity in the struggle of the workers and peasants.
In the city, again around the basic slogans of demo. cracy and national liberation, a struggle will develop along side that in the countryside probably based upon sabotage groups at first, (as already has appeared) and attacks on police and military installations. Particularly in the city efforts to divide the White population as much as possible must be made, and so purely racialist attacks must be avoided as much as possible.
There will have to be strenous efforts made to activise the other oppressed minorities, particularly in the where they predominate.
There should be every effort made to promote the POSTSCRIPT.
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL revolutionary unity of all Southern Africa.
The logic of the Permanent Revolution will burst through very rapidly in the which necessitates a leadership sibles consciousness of this, so as to make the necessary
The South African Trotskyists, and all Revolutionary Marxists, will play their role to the fullest in the rev. olutionary situation developing. This necessitates the clearest political awareness of the tasks facing them and therefore the frankest possible discussion, and the willingness to intervene in the revolutionary situation without the least sectarianism, the utmost revolutionary audacity combined with the greatest Marxist judgement. The historic waiting the South Africa Trotskyists is a great one, it is nothing less than the participation in the leadership of the South African Revolution and the establishment of the South African Socialist Republic.
22nd. December, 1961
29
As the final copy of this article was being written, there were signs in South Africa of a new upsurge, with the use of sabotage, or the preparation for its use by a number of groups. We have mentioned the sabotage of December 16th. As well there is the report in the Rand Daily Mail of the 20th December, of 20 Pan-Africanists being trained in Egypt, the existance of the National Liberation Committee, which is largely white in its member. ship, has engaged in minor acts of sabotage, probably as a trial. There is also the claim that four separate sabotage groups exsist in Natal and one in the Transkei, probably based on the Kongo. There may well be even more... which would make eight, nine or ten groups functioning separately with sabotage in mind, and a few of those with the clearer consciousness of the need for a guerrilla struggle. The need for a revolutionary unity is becoming pressing.
All the above developments verify the general line taken in this article though somewhat earlier than the author had hoped.