SOUTH AFRICAN COURT RESERVES DECISION ON ALEXANDER APPEAL
After a two-day session March 2-3, in which counsel representing the Alexander Eleven crossed swords with attorneys for the Verwoerd government, the Appeal Court at Bloemfontein announced that it ‘would reserve decision until a later date. The court did not indicate how soon this might be,
The eleven defendants, who have been condemned for terms up to ten years on charges of "conspiring" to overthrow the fascist-like apartheid government by "force and violence," appealed their convic~ tion on grounds of a miscarriage of justice. .Their defense counsel cited a number of irregularities in the conduct of the trial.
In the preliminary stages, the defendants were held incommunicado under the infamous 90-day law and some of them were subject to torture, .
At present the seven male defendants are in the notorious Robben Island prison along with other famous political prisoners such as Nelson Mandela. They have been subjected to monstrous indignities and assaulted by warders,. 7
The following account of the first day of the hearing appeared in the Cape Times of March 3, one of South Africa's most prominent newspapers. lt obviously attempts to put the political prisoners in an unfavorable light; but it was more objective than the account that appeared in the rival Cape Argus which tried to play up the government attorney. The headline in the Cape Times article reads "PRISON CENSORSHIP 'IRREGULAR,' COURT TOLD." The subheadings appear in the original,
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BLOEMFONTEIN -- The appeal of Dr. Neville Edward Alexander, a 28-year-old Coloured teacher of Cape Town, and 10 others against their conviction on charges of sabotage began in the Appeal Court here yesterday.
They were found guilty by Mr. Justice H.A.van Heerden in the Cape Town Supreme Court in April last year of sabotage by conspiring to overthrow the Government through violent revolution, guerrilla warfare and sabotage.
They were alleged to have conspired sabotage while being members of the soecalled Yu Chin Chang Club, or the National Liberation Front.
The appellants are Neville Edward Alexander, Don John William Davies, Marcus Solomons, Elizabeth van der Heyden, Fikile Charles Bam, Lionel Basil Davis, Ian Leslie van der Heyden, Dulcie Evon September, Dorothy Hazel Alexander (sister of accused number one), Doris van
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der Heyden and Gordon Frederick Hendricks. Got 10 Years
All are CGoloured people, except Bam who is an African,
. Alexander, Don Davies, Marcus Solomons, Elizabeth van der Heyden and Fikile Bam were each sentenced to 10 years. Lionel Davis and Gordon Frederick Hendricks were each sentenced to seven years.
‘~ Ian Leslie van der Heyden, Dulcie Evon September, Dorothy Hazel Alexander and Doris van der Heyden were each given the minimum sentence of five years.
The appeal is being heard by Mr. Justice N. Ogiivie Thompson, Mr. Justice P.J.Wessels, and Mr.H.J. Potgieter.
Mr. G.Gordon, QC, and Mr.R.M.Marais appear for the appellants and Mr.J.E. Nothling for the State.
Beginning his argument, Mr.Gordon submitted that the reading and censoring of certain written instruction of accused. numbers l, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 11 by members of the Prisons Department at Robben Island before the opening of the defence case constituted an irregu- . larity or illegality in connection with the trial. These were written instructions to counsel and certain affidavits by professors under whom Alexander had studied in Germany. . Not. Lawful
There was nothing in the Prison Act or the regulations which authorized and, therefore, made lawful the reading of privileged com= munications between attorney and client by any member of the prison staff.
The trial was unfair in that from January 135, 1964, the fundamental principle of confidential access by the accused to their legal representatives was violated, with the following consequences:
The contents of the confidential communications may have come to the knowledge of the. authorities or State counsel, although State counsel assured the court that as far as they were aware they neither saw nor became aware of the contents of such communications,
No assurances of a similar nature were given by the police. Not Called.
Even if believed, Sergeant Van Wyk's denial that he saw the instructions did not preclude the possibility that it was seen by other investigating police or the contents conveyed to them,
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It was also significant that Col, J.G.McIntyre, Security Police Chief of Cape Town, was not called to give evidence, in spite of the fact that Captain Visser of the Prisons Department could not say that he did not discuss the case with Colonel McIntyre.
The names of people not yet mentioned in the State case were disclosed in the instructions and it was open to the police to interrogate these people either under the 90-Day Detention Clause of the General Law Amendment Act or otherwise, and so obtain information prejudicial to the accused,
The accused Alexander claimed that he was prejudiced and it was clearly a factor which weighed with him in electing to Keep out of the witness box, .
Grave. Breach
"It was one of the gravest breaches of privilege one can con= ceive. How could the accused be expected to conduct their defence after that?" Mr. Gordon asked.
Mr. Justice Thompson: Why should the accused have been afraid to go into the witness box if those written instructions | had contained the truth?
Mr. Gordon: The police might have got people held under 90-_ Days to give evidence against the accused or obtain information about them which would prejudice their case.
Lost Confidence
Mr. Justice Thomson: It is not enough to show that there had been an irregularity. You have got to show that it was a failure of. justice,
Mr. Gordon submitted that whether or not the investigating authorities or State counsel became aware of the privileged instructions was not the sole test. The question was whether the accused had a well-grounded apprehension of any such awareness. "Justice should not only be done, but manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done.
It was submitted that, at the very least, the accused could not feel confident during the trial that their privileged instruc+ tions had not been seen by the investigating authorities.
The election of some of the accused not to venture into the witness box prejudiced all the accused, as, had Alexander's defence evidence been accepted after cross-~ ~examination, all the accused would have benefited.
The legislature obviously appreciated that a criminal trial might be rendered unfair in an infinite variety of ways, Mr.Gordon
said.
By way of example, prison authorities might refuse to allow an accused to communicate with a lawyer before the trial, telling him that he was not entitled to be represented except in certain particular cases, Legal Remedy
| Drugs might be administered to an awaiting-trial prisoner by ill-disposed warders with a view to inducing mental confusion.
Consultations between lawyer and client in prisons might be secretly tape-recorded. .
A policeman or woman might be deliberately placed in court behind defence counsel, with instructions to peer over counsel's shoulder and read the accused's privileged instructions, or an awaitingtrial prisoner might be threatened with assault or starvation if he said anything in his defence. :
It was submitted that it was to provide a remedy in -.such eventualities that the legislature employed the wide phrase "in con-= nection with the trial."
Witnessts Notes
In short, it was submitted that the accused did not have a fair trial, or, "at the least there was a suspicion that they did not have a fair trial, Mr.Gordon said.
It was also submitted on behalf of appellants that the refusal to order the production of, and allow cross~examination on, certain notes made by the witness J.J.Kotze and relied on by him in ‘refreshing his memory for the purpose of making his statement to the police, was an irregularity in the proceedings during the trial.
These notes, of certain conversations with accused Don Davis, were obvious relevant matter for cross-examination, and the defence was entitled to their production,
Evidence of Kotze was very important because he alleged that accused Davis had told him that they were planning violence, guerrilla warfare and sabotage and that "they were going to kill the Whites in February."
If the judge's refusal to order production of the notes was irregular, the appeal must be allowed unless the State could show that even if the irregularity had not occurred, a reasonable trial court would inevitably have convicted the accused,
Mr.Gordon finally submitted that it was not permissible in law for counsel for the State to make any reference, direct or in-
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direct, in cross-examination of an accused to a written statement given by him to police officials while being detained under the 90- Day Detention Clause,
The common law was clear that no statement made by an accused person may be given in evidence against him unless the prosecution showed (and the onus was on it) that the statement was freely and. voluntarily made. This concluded Mr.Gordon's argument,
Had Gone
Mr.J.E.Nothling began argument for the State by discussing the question whether the refusal to order the production of the notes made by the witness Kotze constituted an irregularity.
He said since Kotze was no longer in possession of the notes at the time when the application for their production was made and did not know what had become of them after he had handed them to a police officer, and since there was no evidence that he was in a. position to produce the notes, the trial judge could not properly have ordered him to produce the notes.
The application for the production of Kotze's notes was, in effect, an application for an order of discovery against the State, and as * there was no procedure by which such an order could be made ina criminal trial the application was rightly refused, _
Referring to the reading and censoring of the written instructions of appellants 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7 and 11 by members of the Prisons Department of Robben Island, Mr.Nothling said Captain Visser, of the Prisons Department, read the notes because he considered it his duty to censor them, ©
Not Revealed
The appellants were at the time prisoners in the prison at Robben Island and the documents in question had not yet been handed to their counsel.
The trial court judge found as a fact that the notes were not shown to any member of the Security Police by the prison officials,
The censoring of the documents was not a proceeding in cone nection with the trial. It was merely an administrative matter concerning the management of the prisons,
If the instructions contained in the notes had been conveyed to the Security Police he would have had a much stronger case against him coming, Mr.Nothling said. But the trial court found, as a fact, that this had not happened,
The court adjourned till today. -- (Sapa.)
MORE POLITICAL ARRESTS IN.SOUTH AFRICA
According to information received in Lusaka, Zambia, the Ver-~woerd government is continuing its political witch-hunt against all declared or potential opponents of the apartheid regime, The two latest victims are Lee Linda Sihlali and Mtshizana, a lawyer who has defended hundreds of victims charged under the “anti-Communism" or "Sabotage"™ acts.
Sihlali, a graduate of the University of South Africa and a teacher in Queenstown, was a member of the Cape African Teachers! Association [CATA] which became affiliated to the All-African Convention in the fight against oppression.
In 1954 when CATA rejected the debased "Bantu Education" which Verwoerd sought to impose on the African children, the entire executive board of the organization was dismissed from their jobs. Since then, Sihlali has been hounded from place to place by the police in addition to being blacklisted so as to. deny him any opportunity to earn a living.
_ Despite the persecution, he was active in organizing landless peasants of the Transkei and was elected to the executive of the All- African Convention. In 1961 he became a founding member of the African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa [APDUSA], which is affiliated to the Unity Movement of South Africa,
Sihlali was arrested February 24 at Rustenburg, according to the report. He is being held for trial on charges of violating his "banned" status and of allegedly attempting to leave South Africa ~ without valid documents.
Mtshizana, who is also a prominent member of the Unity Movement of South Africa is being held at East London, Cape Province,
He had previously been arrested on the allegation that he was in unlawful possession of a firearm. The charge was dismissed but the police nevertheless served a five-year banning order on him.
Later he was arrested on another charge, the nature of which is not known _to his friends in Lusaka. He was released on bond of £500 [$1,400], on condition that he report to the police twice a day. On Mondays he had to report three times, once.to one police station, twice to another, This had been going on since November 1963.
What charges the police have now placed against Mtshizana to justify declaring his £500 bail as forfeited is not known in Lusaka,
Friends are consulting on what can be done to help the two in their coming ordeal before the fascist courts of South Africa. The situation is especially difficult for the two as they are without funds.
TROTSKYISTS UPHOLD CLASS-STRUGGLE PROGRAM IN CEYLON BLECTION
The Lanka Sama Samaja Party (Revolutionary) is battling for the revolutionary socialist program of the Fourth International in the March 22 elections in Ceylon. The LSSP(R) is running four candidates _ for parliament: Edmund Samarakkody in Bulathsinhala, Bala Tampoe in Colombo Central, Meryl Fernando in Moratuwa, and V. Karalasingham in Kankesanturai,
The LSSP(R) is campaigning against all the other parties, including the old LSSP in which Dr.N.M.Perera managed to get a majority vote last year for participating in the bourgeois coalition government of Prime Minister Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike. Under the leadership of Edmund Samarakkody, a section of the membership, backed by the Fourth International, refused to join in the betrayal. They organized the LSSP(R) to carry on the program of class struggle on which the Trotskyist movement was founded in Ceylon, and today constitute the Ceylon section of the Fourth International.
The election campaign in Ceylon has offered exceptional difficulties for the four candidates. .N.M.Perera and those who went: along with him in his capitulatory policies are doing their utmost to eliminate the LSSP(R) from parliament, where they would stand as the only representatives of the working class categorically: opposed, to all capitalist governments. At the risk of seeing reactionaries elected, Perera has entered LSSP candidates against Meryl Fernando and Edmund Samarakkody. In. Kankesanturai, the Communist party and pro-Chinese wing of the Communist party entered candidates against V. Karalasing~ ham. (Both wings of the CP support the coalition government.) In Colombo Central, the two CP's did the same against Bala Tampoe. There, however, * three seats are at stake.
“The program of the coalition government, which lost office by a. single vote in parliament last December, is one of rather fuzzy reforms glued together by Mrs. Bandaranaike's hope of keeping wages frozen and of blocking the working class from a political course that could lead to a socialist victory in Ceylon.
The capitalist right wing are waging a virulent campaign against her. It is not clear whether they believe they can defeat her, or think their pressure will keep her to the "right of center," or feel that propaganda in the McCarthyite mold is best calculated to win the approval of their imperialist allies abroad,
Thus part of Mfrs. Bandaranaike's electioneering has been spent in defending the coalition she engineered between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party LSLFP], which she heads, and the Perera organization. When she launched her campaign January 16 at Anuradhapura, she said quite frankly to the capitalists and landlords of Ceylon:
"The progress we were making in some of the nationalised ven~— tures was not fast enough. For progress in these fields you need
industrial peace. To have industrial peace you had to get the co# operation of the working classes of this country. To do so I sought the co-operation and assistance of the leaders of working classes, I did not do so with the ulterior motive of keeping myself in power or to destroy the Sasana as is being alleged by our opponents. I did it because I sincerely felt that that was one way of achieving the implementation of the socialist policies of the late Mr. Bandaranaike. You all know we formed a coalition with the LSSP who joined us to help us to implement some of the policies of the late Mr. Bandaranaike, which were common to some of their policies as well,"
The most radical proposal in the platform of the SLFP is the formation of "workers councils.'"* Here is the plank:
"To set up workers! councils in all institutions including Government Corporations, Whilst linking these councils on all possible occasion in the running of the administration they will be entrusted with the power to eradicate wastage, corruption and ineffi-~ ciency. Further these Councils will be empowered to submit proposals to run these institutions efficiently. It will also be the duty of these Councils to educate its members on the necessity to maintain © strict discipline among the workers."
Should the coalition win the election, it will prove instructive to see how much of this plank proves to be pure verbiage. The last sentence indicates that if "councils" should be set up, they will be used to police the workers and help enforce a wage freeze, insofar as that is possible against their resistance.
It is interesting to note that Mrs, Bandaranaike did not make an issue of the single vote by which her government lost office. In an election statement, the Ceylon Communist party (pro-Chinese) at-~ tacked the LSSP(R) for apparently helping to bring down the Bandaran-~ alike government in the parliamentary vote, The statement declared that the Central Committee of the CCP "condemned the so-called leftist parties, like the MEP and the LSSP(R) for permitting themselves to be used as tools by reaction in defence of Lake House [the capitalist publishing monopoly]."
Madame Bandaranaike, however, said in her opening campaign speech that she did not consider that vote decisive. "The Government, although defeated, still had a majority in Parliament, We could well have called for a vote of confidence and obtained it when our MP's who were abroad had returned. But I did not choose to take that step. I decided that I would go before the people and take a verdict once again from the people of this country. .. "
The one-vote margin was accidental, in her opinion, and she called attention to the speculation of a former collaborator who de~ camped to the extreme right wing. If one MP's tire had not gone flat, if Dr.N.M.Perera had not been sick, if Bernard Soysa had not been away from the island. . . [The latter two are leaders of the
LSSP coalitionists.] Then her government would not have had: to go to the electorate so soon. But no matter; she preferred it that way.
The right-wing bourgeois United National party [UNP] and the right-wing split-off from the SLFP, the Sri Lanka Socialist Freedom party [SLSNP -- the ones who really brought down the government -are doing their best to stir up the most backward and reactionary sentiments. Their propaganda is self-contradictory and even ludicrous; but they, of course, are not appealing to reason -= they seem to have been studying the campaign propaganda of the Democrats and Republicans in the U.S.
They do not at all agree that N.M.Perera and his lieutenants are captives in the coalition and that they have gone over to the program of the late Mr, Bandaranaike, as carefully and repeatedly ex-~ plained by the really astute Prime Minister.. Instead, they picture her as the naive widow of the late eminently respectable Mr.S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, a gullible woman who has unfortunately fallen victim to the sly Marxists, boring their way from within. As they picture it, the coalition signifies that Ceylon is on the verge of a Marxist take-over. They even spell it out as a "Chinese" take-over, attempting to make capital out of the. good relations between Mrs. Bandaranaike's government and the People's Republic of China.
‘The Chinese dragon has been growing increasingly more menacing and carnivorous,” runs a typical bit of this lurid propaganda. "When it is not moving into the territory of its neighbours, like Buddhist Tibet, when it is not grabbing jumping off points for further depredations as in her border war with India and when it is not breathing fire and thunder in order to cow smaller nations into submission, it is working. insidiously to win friends whom it can proceed to devour at its leisure,'
As evidence, an "invasion" of Ceylon is pictured as already underway. "Numbers of Chinese have been seen dogging the footsteps of Opposition candidates from Vaddukodai to Weligama, lending strength to rumours that there are many Chinese who .cannot justify their presence in the island, as much sly entrants probably as any who have crossed the Palk Strait stealthily at night."
These "Chinese invaders," they note, have all been trained to speak perfect Ceylonese, so as to better carry out their sly, secret invasion. When it is pointed out that there are only thirty-five Chinese in Ceylon and that these are not ail consummate linguists, this is brushed aside as merely the official figure, What about the hordes that have been slipping in illegally?
To show the lengths to which this nonsense reaches, Dudley Senanayaka, the leading figure of the UNP, claims he is being trailed in his campaign by Chinese “with cameras, film equipment and tape," In one place "a Chinaman jumped into Mr, *Senanayake's path and shot a flash photograph of him," While the heroic Senanayake was "calming
the crowd" the insidious "Chinaman was whisked away in a car which suddenly appeared on the scene.
Another major theme in perfect harmony with the "invasion" absurdities is the "Marxist threat" to Buddhism. To believe these defenders of all that is holy in Ceylon, the "Marxists" in the coalition are there only to do in the Buddhist monks. a
Mrs. Bandaranaike has answered this by assuring the electorate that her "Marxists" are really adherents of the Buddhist religion and in any case they stand on her program of giving Buddhism its "rightful place" in Ceylonese government and education. This, of course, is an excellent character reference, good for future use in applying for posts in coalitions,
Besides all this, the right-wing bourgeois politicians have seized on certain points where Mrs. Bandaranaike's coalition partners are singularly vulnerable and this provides the reactionaries with themes that contrast remarkably with the ones indicated above, Thus there have been big "exposures" of N.M.Perera, Colvin R. de -Silva and Leslie Goonewardena as wealthy men, holding considerable stocks, costly homes and big estates,
The fact is that they happen to be wealthy men. Thus it is easy for the right-wing bourgeois opposition to show that. the economic position of these men is bourgeois and that they should be condemned as bourgeois, (This is true of the Communist party leadership, too, and Dr.S.A.Wickremasinghe, the CP head, has been submitted to a similar “exposure."') The acreages of their plantations have been listed in the press, along with their ‘stock holdings and their en= viable incomes, all suitably spiced with pictures of their villas and flats.
The logical conclusion might seem to be that if these men are about to destroy Buddhism and capitalism in Ceylon and hand-the island over to China, they are obviously betraying their own class, the Ceylonese bourgeoisie. But the right wingers have something different in mind, They are seeking to swing the working-class vote, and therefore this "exposure" is designed to convince the workers that the "Marxists" in the coalition are really only another set of bourgeois politicians in treacherous’ disguise, (Which may be true enough, but it's not the set favored by the UNP and the right-wing SLFPers who split from Mrs. Bandaranaike, )
This objective comes out quite clearly in another theme of the extreme right wing; namely that the "Marxists" in the coalition are betraying the workers!
Thus one of the right-wing campaigners declares: "Yet, within a few days, the strength of the masses, the enthusiasm that had been generated among clerks and harbour workers and the men and women em= ployed in the factories were used as a lever to get a place for them
selves in the Government of Mrs. Bandaranaike. The people were betrayed. Deliberately these leaders sabotaged the agitation for the 21 demands,
"In Opposition they had shouted that in industrial strikes the Government should support the just demands of the workers and intervene on their behalf. This was one of their constant demands of the Government of Mrs. Bandaranaike: that it was indifferent to the very people who had helped put them into power. In power these same Sama Samajists were guilty of the same offence. They turned a deaf ear and blind eyes to the strike of Velona workers,"
The UNP and its satellites thus seek to utilize the very bee -trayal of the former Trotskyist leaders in Ceylon for their own reactionary ends! This indicates not only how cunning these bourgeois politicians are, but how a betrayal of principles by a working-class party can play into the hands of reaction in more ways than one,
But this has also added greatly to the difficulties faced by the LSSP(R) in its campaign. The. four candidates and the members of the Ceylon section of the Fourth International have had to explain to the workers how the "Marxists" in the coalition are really betrayers of the basic principles of class-struggle politics. And they have had to do this in the face of smears that to do this means supporting the right wing.
In view of the immense confusion sown by the betrayal, it has not been easy to make the basic issues clear to the voters, Even such a left-wing formation as the pro=-Chinese CP saw fit to join in the attack on the Trotskyists of the LSSP(R) who are intransigeantly holding up the banner of revolutionary socialism in Ceylon.
The principal piece of .literature issued by the LSSP(R) is their election manifesto. This offers a Marxist analysis of capitalist rule in Ceylon in both its UNP and SLFP variations and what has happened to the conditions of the people under both regimes. The peasants suffer from continued landlessness, the workers from a wage freeze, with the use of repression to prevent them from a breakthrough. The middle classes, too, have suffered under SLFP rule. Unemployment, the rising cost of living, corruption, and the problem of the minorities and the unity of the nation remain the key issues,
The manifesto analyzes the coalition government and demon= strates that the assumption of government responsibility by the LSSP reformists changed nothing essential. The effect of their betrayal was to shore up. the shaky government of Mrs. Bandaranaike and delay the possibility of bringing a workers and peasants government to power,
The LSSP(R) appeals for a "United' Front of Working Class Parties and Organization in the perspective of an Anti-Capitalist Struggle," and advocates the following election platform:
- (1) The abrogation of the Soulbury Constitution, and the framing of a new Constitution by democratically elected representatives of workers, peasants, and toilers.
(2) Immediate withdrawal of Ceylon fom the British Imperialist dominated Commonwealth.
-(3) Guarantee of Democratic Liberties of the people including:
(a). Freedom of Speech, Press, Assembly and Association;
and
(b>) Full Trade Union Rights to all employees and Poli-
tical Rights to employees of Government or Government Corpora=
tions and enterprises.
(4) The repeal of all repressive legislation,
(5) No discrimination in the field of education, employment or grant of any state aid or licence or in any other sphere against linguistic and religious minorities and no interference with their democratic rights, and more specifically the framing of legislation to make Tamil also.an Official Language of Ceylon which status has already been accorded to the Sinhala language.
(6) The grant of full citizenship rights to plantation workers and to all such persons who are now referred to as stateless persons, and who are desirous of obtaining Ceylon citizenship. All persons in the category of stateless whe desire to leave Ceylon to’ be offered all facilities to do so,
(7) The confiscation of all large Estates of Tea, Rubber, Coconut and Cocoa without compensation, All confiscated estates to be under the management and control of Workers! Councils.
(8) Nationalisation of all Banks.
(9) Confiscation of all large Industrial and Commercial Establishments and Enterprises without compensation. . All such confiscated enterprises to be under the management and control of Workers! Councils.
(10) Freezing of all Foreign Assets and prohibiting of the export of dividends,
(121) Immediate unfreezing of wages -- a sliding scale of wages in relation to the cost of living to all wage-earners receiving tess than Rs.500 [$100] per month.
(12) The Right to Work or Maintenance.
(13) No Retrenchment without alternative employment and ade
quate compensation for past services,
(14) Freedom of entry into estates and the grant of tenancy rights to all employees who are granted housing in Estates.
(15) Confiscation of property of employers who employ violence or intimidation against their workers,
(16) Opening of Books of all employers to workers inspection,
(17) The expropriation of all land suitable for house building and the establishment of Housing Schemes under the control and management of Tenants! Committees, Compensation to be paid only to owners of such land in the lower income groups.
(18) Taking Over of all tenements and the management of such tenements by Tenants' Committees,
. (19) Nationalisation of all large paddy land holdings and allocation of cultivator rights to Peasants! Committees.
(20) (a) All landless peasants to be granted Crown lands with full rights of ownership. Where Crown land is not available suitable private land be expropriated without compensation, for distribution among landless peasants. Compensation to be paid only in the case of owners of land in the lower income groups. (b) All squatters of Crown land or private land belonging to capitalists and big landowners be granted full rights of ownership of land already occupied by them, All prosecutions at present pending in the courts of Law against squatters be withdrawn,
(21) State sponsored Co-operative farms for development of Animal Husbandry and other livestock farming.
(22) State sponsored reorganisation of and rationalisation of Cottage Industries on a co-operative production basis.
(23) All co-operative distributing centres to be under the direct management of consumers served by such centres.
(24) Workers! Control and Management in Government enterprises and Corporations.